Foreword When we were children, we often played a wishing game that had great appeal for us; it was about what we would do if we were king, pope or emperor. As childish as this game was, I often thought later how characteristic of the participants were the wishes t hey came up with when they were placed at the height of life. "If I were the emperor" is what I call this writing in memory of an all too distant youth; however, it is not a game of thoughts and wishes, but the reflection of serious experiences of a multi faceted political life; it is the expression of pressing worries about our fatherland; finally, it is the summary of the convictions that I have gained in more than a lifetime of political self - activity and observation. Much of what is set down on the fol lowing pages will resonate with like - minded souls, some of it is already common property of countless Germans who have actually been silenced by political developments, especially by universal suffrage, or at least excluded from further political life; mos t of it, I am sure, will arouse the anger or scorn of the servants of the masses, and they will despise the advice I undertake to give. I may be denied the approval of the masses - I am following my duty and speaking my conviction; I know that for the mom ent I cannot count on being heard, on having an effect, but I am certain that the development of a hopefully not too distant time must be directed in the main as I think it should be, if the German people are not to experience a terrible collapse both inte rnally and externally. Let me say this - I am not a party man, and this writing has nothing to do with party politics and interests; members of the right will accuse me of a lack of respect for the authorities and smell the democrat in some things; those on the left may see in me the red reactionary and unfashionable Junker - but I am nothing but an independent man who keeps his judgment free from party orders; I have witnessed the development since the founding of the German Reich with open eyes, I have w itnessed some of the errors of these 40 years, corrected some of them, and now I see that we have reached the point where nothing less than our entire future is in question. I also see that the government is doing nothing to steer developments resolutely b ack into healthy pathways, indeed I must believe that it does not even know what is at stake now; the people's representation is no different, and where a member of parliament is clear - sighted enough to recognize "the spirit of the times", the party intere st forbids him to speak openly - for by the people's grace he is what he is, and the party is harmed by anyone who doubts the infallibility of the masses. Finally, I see that the princes of the empire - if one forms his judgment according to their actions and doings - do not suspect where the journey on the way now taken must lead; the first and most influential among them, the German Emperor, is indeed called a modern ruler by his admirers, but I fear that this modern must not be understood to mean that h e understands the real demands of the time, but that he has adapted himself to its weaknesses. In such a time as ours, which is generally regarded as one of transition, a strong leader is needed to force the step towards recovery, towards inner and outer consolidation, to prevent the development towards decay. "If I were the emperor" is the title of this book, and I want to say what I would do if ... yes, if! the presumptuous, the vain, who even dared to dream that he could stand at such a height! It is not meant that way; I am happy and content to be a simple citizen of our empire, and I rejoice in my origins and my independence on all sides. But I think it can only strengthen the sense of one's own responsibility if one puts oneself in the position of h aving to make important decisions oneself - but perhaps it can also serve to deepen the sense of responsibility of those in high positions when they hear how someone in their place would look at and handle things. This is what I mean when I preface this b ook with the title: If I were the emperor. Easter 1912 Table of contents Of the damage, hardships and dangers: Political facts - Dissatisfaction and its causes - Weakness and unsuccessfulness of foreign policy - The post - Bismarckian period; its tasks, i ts mistakes - The Serbian crisis - Morocco - Further causes of disgruntlement - Bismarck's successors - Economic development - Industrialization and its damage - Big business - Dangers of wealth - The Jews - Jewish influence, Jewish decomposition - The rul ers and the questions of the time From the Imperial Reform: Equal universal suffrage - The Social Democracy - Effects of equal universal suffrage - Electoral reform - Against the current electoral law - Questionable proposals - Change of electoral law - T ransition to parliamentarism - Duties of the upper classes - Largest property - Largest industry - Large banks - Department stores - The Reich reform as a whole - Fight against subversion - Reform of public life - Protection of those willing to work - The press - The Jews under alien law - The Zionists - Other foreigners - The Poles - The Reichsland - The Danes - Reich foreigners - Agrarian reform - Peasant policy - Consequences of internal colonization - Agricultural workers - Freedom of movement - Army an d navy - Public health - Education - Civic education - University and education - Bureaucracy - Art policy - The theater - The housing question - The women's question - Women's duties - Rethinking - Active internal policy - Suum cuique - Industry and agric ulture - Americanization - Return to political life - Sport and play - Against materialism - German idealism - Inner reorientation - People and ruler The main features of German power politics: Our situation - Either, or - The possibilities, in general - Expansion into south - eastern Europe - Overseas settlement - England - France - Belgium and the Netherlands - Switzerland - Austria - Hungary - Tasks of t he next Emperor - The Germans and the Crown - Germany and Austria - Russia - Turkey - Romania - Near Eastern settlement plans - North America - South America - Japan - Italy - Foreign Office - Foreign policy and national life - War and peace - German power politics and internal impact - Germanness and humanity Helpers and Opponents: The Task - National Radicals - Pacesetters of Social Democracy - The Centre - Centre and National Politics - The National Liberals - Bassermann as Leader - Future of the Party - The Reich Party - The Conservatives - Popular Conservative Politics - Crown, Government and Conservative Party - Conservative Duties - The Anti - Semites - Farmers' Union - The Peasants' Union - The National Press - The Non - Partisans - The Crown - The Empe ror - The State - The Crown Prince - The Emperor as Leader - The Helpers If I were the Emperor: Ruler and People - Ruler and Helpers - Imperial Duty - Intention and Occasion - The Question of Destiny The Jews We must now consider the disastrous role tha t Jewry has played in our national life since the gift of emancipation was thrown into its lap, a gift that was not earned by any merit, but was granted out of the mood of intrinsically beautiful humanity, out of the idea of human equality. Now the German and the Jew are in their innermost essence like fire and water; as long as our national life was morally healthy, there was nothing more different than the German and the Jewish view of life. The German stands above property, remains inwardly free in rela tion to it and proves his freedom by wanting to live out his life without regard to economic success. Honor, independence, self - will are the mainsprings of his actions, which may often be inexpedient, but in any case demonstrate a direction of thought that is not solely “of this world”; the Jew, however, subordinates his life to expediency and usefulness; acquisition and possessions are everything to him; he is unfree towards them; he subordinates his whole personality to them. No wonder that people with su ch qualities, once they have been granted equal rights, are differently equipped in economic life than the Germans, for even with unequal rights they have understood how to exploit the Germans and accumulate wealth. Now, however, the barriers had fallen, at about the same time that a unified economic area had been created through the formation of the Customs Union, which encouraged trade on a larger scale, and where all kinds of inventions gave rise to rapidly expanding industries. This led to an increase in monetary transactions, the need for money and the demand for the beneficial use of acquired property; this was followed by the foundation of the empire and protective customs legislation with its unprecedented economic upswing in all areas. As a result of all these events and a wealth of accompanying economic circumstances, the opportunities for earning a living were increased in an unimagined way. The generality of Germans slowly found their way into the new conditions, which were initially only unders tood and exploited by those who had already been at the top of economic life in closer relationships and had the advantage of being educated for the commercial profession on a larger scale - in addition, of course, by a number of particularly talented busi nessmen; the masses, however, found it difficult and slow to find their way, indeed one can say that entire strata have not yet found their way, whereby one need only think of the smaller urban middle class and almost the entire agricultural sector. Quite different were the Jews, who were born into the money and intermediate trade, whose instinct and mental direction was towards acquisition; their high time had come, now they could develop their abilities. Not creating value themselves, i.e. working in the creative sense, but mediating, trading, and they quickly gained a leading position in the monetary system and in trade. The good fortune of the local Jews lured countless flocks from Russia and Galicia across the borders that Prussia had harmlessly left o pen; they threw themselves into our working life, and it was really these Jews, who were morally and culturally indigestible for us, who now brought the elements of haste, ruthlessness and moral insensitivity into our economic life with their unscrupulousn ess, their greed, their indifference to right and wrong, honor and dishonor. Now the “free play of forces” was raging - the Jew was successful, he won money, he became a great man through his money. This example enticed and seduced, and since, according to the liberal view of the time, nothing could be done to prevent this free play of forces, all too many Germans went to the school of the Jews and followed their example. This is how our economic life went wild, and the participants in the dance around the golden calf, which is reported above, became, if you get to the bottom of it, morally, i.e. in terms of attitude and outlook on life, Jews. The bearers and teachers of today's prevailing materialism are the Jews; its German - born followers are seduced and alienated from their innate instincts. Having acquired economic power, these guests, people and race alien, encroached on all areas of national life on German soil - a tragicomic contradiction in itself - but a historical fact as a result of what happened . Publishing, theater, journalism were conquered; the advocacy, university professorships, medical careers became a special field of Jewish activity and Jewish influence. And in accordance with the laws of his nature - no one can escape his skin, and this also applies to everything racially inherited - the Jew is a Jew in everything he grips. If he pursues politics, he can only do so as a Jew, i.e. If he practises politics, he can only do so as a Jew, i.e. without a sense and understanding for fitting in, for subordination, without love for what has become historically and organically; if he becomes a lawyer, he has a corrosive effect, because his innate concepts of law contradict those inherent in written German law, and this leads to those Talmudist pract ices that seek to twist right into wrong and vice versa; if he throws himself on the arts, he lacks the inwardness that is the breeding ground of every self - creative achievement. It is well known that the so - called German theater is today almost entirely i n Jewish hands; what this means for German production is only realized by the few who remember that the staging of new works depends on the judgment of Jewish theater directors and their advisors, who have to decide whether a play is “effective on the stag e”; The judgment, coming from Jews, will correspond to the Jewish view of stage effectiveness, and one can at any rate theoretically claim that many a good stage work born of the German spirit gathers dust in the poet's desk because it is not considered st ageworthy by judges from outside the nation. Sensation, however, is the measure of the effective, and the German - born writer who wants to be on the stage must rethink, must write like a Jew. If one takes into account the lack of any significant achievemen t on the part of Jewry in this field, it is clear that the Jewish influence on the theater has placed this field of art, which is so important for the spiritual and moral life of the nation, under a tutelage that is tantamount to an unbearable repression. But the influence of the Jewish press is even worse, because it is exerted directly on the masses, day after day; here it is a case of "constant dripping wears away the stone". Jewry has laid its hand on the press, and it can be said that only the center press is actually beyond its influence, at least in the main - but otherwise, apart from the few anti - Semitic newspapers, no paper on German soil, not even the party papers of the extreme right. Where a newspaper is not directly owned by Jews, or where the editors are not Jews, it is the advertising section that determines the paper's stance - at least on all issues relating to Jewry. Thousands of Jewish pens fabricate our public opinion day after day, their statements reach German readers in millions of printed sheets of paper - and the effect is supposed to be absent? The shameless activities of so - called Jewish journals, which make a living from sex - related content, and the mockery of marriage, the throne and everything that once stood firm in the nati on's standing, are only mentioned here in passing to point out the deliberate degradation of marriage in particular; the influence of the Jewish daily press is much worse, because it has a wider impact: what do these people know of German freedom, which se ts its limits in the restriction of its own will, what of the necessary subordination of everyone? What is fatherland and state to these homelandless and stateless people? What is martial discipline? What is monarchy? Nowhere is the Jew self - creative - in what one has become accustomed to call politics, he is unconditionally and completely negative; he has not passed the world - historical examination in politics, for he has not brought about a lasting foundation of a state - indeed, one must doubt, if one l ooks critically at the fates of the tribes that have lived in Palestine, whether a Jewish state has ever really come into being. In recognizing the political and moral influence of the Jewish element among non - Jewish host peoples, Count Gobineau has rende red the latter, in so far as they are still alive and have not perished, a service which, properly understood, ought to be a saving act; one may find fault with the method and with the individual assertions of the Norman nobleman - that does not detract fr om the main point. With truly ingenious intuition this Germanic seer looked into the past and the true causes of the decay of the ancient peoples were revealed to his eye: the decomposition by Jewish blood and Jewish spirit. No German - born person has the right to arrogantly brush aside the spiritual feat of this great man - but if he does, he has already absorbed the poison. The seriousness of the admonisher demands to be heard - when will those in power hear it? Another non - German, H. St. Chamberlain, ca me to similar conclusions as Gobineau - not to mention the great recognizers of Judaism of German blood from Luther to Treitschte. At the time, those who had grasped the deepest core of the Jewish question were delighted to learn that Kaiser Wilhelm II was an enthusiastic admirer of Chamberlain and had had thousands of copies of his Fundamentals of the 19th Century distributed. And what? Did the Kaiser read and understand the book? How is it then possible that he subsequently became a patron of the Jews, as even his instinctive nuncle Eduard did not, by attracting wealthy Jewish entrepreneurs, bankers and wholesalers into his circle, ennobling them and seeking their advice himself? One of the contradictions of this rich life was probably the most consequenti al, the worst! There is not a word to be said about this among historically educated people - even if Gobineau's “Essai sur linégalité des races humaines” and Chamberlain's “Fundamentals” had never been written - that the Jew may be good for anything, but not as a political leader and advisor to his host people. And now it is possible that the guilelessness of the same people, which had just granted equal rights to the Jews living among them, will voluntarily place itself under Jewish leadership. Less wei ght should be attached to the role which such shallow and barren pseudo - Germans as Lasker and Bamberger were able to play in the first years of the new Reich - those were relatively still the best times of Jewish activity; but how now, with very few except ions, the non - ultramontane and anti - Semitic press could come into Jewish hands or at any rate under Jewish influence, is that not a monstrosity? Jewish influence - Jewish decomposition Who has the courage to deny that our entire political life is under J ewish influence? Is there a more intensive influence than that of the press? Do our most German politicians reach their people with their concerns, warnings and advice? The newspapers which are accessible to them are read by a limited circle of educated pe ople; the books they write, however successful they may be, may be circulated by thousands; what does this mean in comparison with the masses which Jewry has in its grip through its daily newspapers of all kinds? Is there anything more tragic than the role of today's rulers? Between them and the people stands a mediator - the Jew - and he only lets through what he likes. Once, when the Roman priesthood had interposed itself between the German Christians and their God as mediator, there arose from our people the man who smashed the rule over souls - now we are politically mediatized, where is the saviour? I believe that once we are so far removed from our time that those who live on can see a period of twenty or thirty years as a unit, the accusation will th en be made against Bismarck that, despite the fullness of his power, he did nothing to counter the consequences of the emancipation of the Jews, indeed that he worked against the anti - Jewish movement of his time. What can become of this: the politically u ntrained people are given universal, equal suffrage, and the Jews seize the press! Whoever looks at these two facts together is not surprised at anything; he takes his Gobineau in hand and finds in the history of other peoples what he is experiencing toda y in his own, and if he has a strong soul and confidence in his people, then he comforts himself that we are only at the beginning of the development. But he also knows that the development will take place incomparably faster today than when the old people s were destroyed, because the possibilities of influence have been multiplied and increased by the political technology of the time, whereby reference must again be made to the press. There are now Germans who have gotten to the bottom of the Jewish quest ion, who seriously claim that the Jews are deliberately and intentionally pursuing the moral and political disintegration of the German people - that is certainly a mistake. The appearance of planning comes of itself, as thousands of Jewish people work acc ording to their nature, their instincts; it is quite clear that the unity of the nature of so many actors must correspond to success. And this success means: devastation and corruption of our public life. If one takes the parties as its organs, no one who knows the circumstances, including the people, will deny that the Social Democrats and the Liberals are the tools of Jewry per se, not consciously, of course, but out of a lack of instinct, a lack of knowl edge. The same is absolutely true of the left wing of the National Liberals and the so - called Young Liberals, and even more so of the Hansabund, which, however, is not a party. The Germanic subconscious first becomes effective in the right - wing National Li berals and strengthens the further to the right it goes - but it remains a subconscious, apart from the weak anti - Semitic groups, and these parties are still a long way from a thorough realization of the Jewish danger. The same is true of the center, which stares spellbound at the alleged imparity of the Catholics and the Catholic Church and, insofar as it is democratic, is inclined to defend the Jews for the sake of equality because it believes their religion is under attack, an error that the Jews deliber ately maintain. But the be - all and end - all of the measures against Jewish disintegration is: race is the source of danger - religion plays no other role than that it is an outgrowth of race. The court, the government that looks to it, the governmental co mponents of the conservatives are of one heart and one soul with Jewry - struck with the blindness that does not recognize the mortal enemy. For those who have not fathomed these causes, the political hullabaloo of the last few years is incomprehensible - they cannot understand how the stupid slogan of the "black - blue block" could live for more than a week, how two parties could be divided into deadly hatred by the merits of the national - liberal and conservative parties. Read the newspapers, ask who writes them or on whose behalf they write, and everything will be clear to you: here you have a fever that hints at the disease - but the disease is called chaos. Those in power and the questions of our time Can we still hope for recovery? Should we do whateve r we can to bring about the crisis? Yes, who should, who can do that? When the Chancellor first confronted this Reichstag - which the people of the right instinctively call the result of the “Jewish elections” - he spoke of the people's longing for great goals. It is there, Mr. Chancellor, in general; it was there when people were agitating for a German Morocco. But where are the government's great goals? Who has heard from the mouths of Mr. von Bethmann Hollweg, Mr. von Kiderlen - Waechter, Mr. Delbrück a nything that sounded like greatness! Have they spoken a word that would suggest that they have grasped the true need of the times and are racking their brains to find a way of dealing with it? The Chancellor complains about the disunity and barrenness of political life with its party quarrels - he does not realize that he himself has destroyed the last possibility of pursuing national politics in his lack of instinct. Everything indicates that, as things now stand, only a catastrophe can prepare the groun d again for what can be called national politics; but it must not be long in coming, otherwise "the ferment of decomposition", of which the philosemite Mommsen spoke, will have such an effect that no doctor will be able to help. All those involved in gove rnment today, the Crown, the ministers, the parliamentarians are blind to the root of the evil - only the few "quiet ones in the country" see clearly and are not afraid of recognizing and being recognized. Can they count on being heard? Will the one whose most genuine friends they are, the wearer of the crown with his own, hear them? Fate lies in this question. The Jews under Alien Law A recovery of our national life, and indeed of all its areas, culturally, morally, politically, economically, and the preservation of the regained health is only possible if the Jewish influence is either completely eliminated or reduced to a tolerable, ha rmless level. When discussing what is necessary in this direction, it will be clear that the innocent must suffer with the guilty - but as painful as this may be to the righteous German, it is better that a certain number of high - ranking Jews suffer from the guilt of their less valuable fellow tribesmen than that the entire German people be destroyed by the poison of the latter. Above all, the good Jews are taking revenge for the mistake they made out of a sense of racial solidarity when they did not thems elves advocate that immigration from the East be prohibited at the moment of emancipation. The fact that today the borders are completely and ruthlessly closed against any further Jewish immigration is absolutely necessary, but has long since ceased to be sufficient. It is equally self - evident that foreign Jews who have not yet acquired citizenship should be expelled as quickly and ruthlessly as possible, down to the last man - but even that is not enough. As hard as it will be for German justice: we must limit the rights of the resident Jewry in general, as sorry as each and every one of us will be when the good are hit next to the bad; in such a case one must only look at necessity and close one's heart to compassion; any concession to undeserved suffere rs would loosen the rings of armor that we must create for ourselves. The demand must be: the resident Jews are placed under alien law. The preliminary question is: who is a Jew, and even this must be answered with severity by considering faith as the ori ginal distinguishing mark, but taking into account racial affiliation and also treating those who have turned away from the Jewish faith as Jews, while at the same time adhering to the old Germanic principle for the descendants of mixed marriages that they follow the “worse hand”. In order to prevail, one would have to determine: A Jew in the sense of the required immigration law is anyone who belonged to the Jewish religious community on January 18, 1871, as well as all descendants of persons who were Jews at that time, even if only one parent was or is Jewish. One may find this time determination arbitrary, as it actually is, but will have to admit that in practice such a determination is necessary to establish the term "Jew"; it may be examined whether t he cut - off date should be set earlier or later. According to the above proposal, the grandson of a Jew who converted to Protestantism in 1875 and whose daughter had married a non - Jew, e.g. an officer, would be treated as a Jew. This sounds outrageous in t he sense of our previous indulgence, but it is not in the face of the facts: for experience teaches us that such a child really does racially follow the worse hand. This definition is proposed in full awareness of what is demanded by it, precisely with re gard to the disastrous role of the half - bloods, through whose mediation the Jewish spirit and Jewish attitude have penetrated and threaten to penetrate the uppermost strata of our people as natural consequences of Jewish blood; here, too, it is not only a matter of preventing for the future, but of making good what has already been missed. It would then be clear who is a Jew and should be subject to immigration law; but what should the immigration law determine? It should draw the line between Germans and Jews and restrict the possibilities of having a detrimental effect on the people. This includes the following measures: - Jews are barred from all public offices, whether paid or honorary, whether for the empire, state or community. - They were not allow ed to serve in the army or navy. - They have neither the right to vote nor to stand for election. The profession of lawyer and teacher is denied them; the same applies to the management of theaters. - Newspapers in which Jews collaborate are to be identi fied as such; the others, which can generally be called German newspapers, may neither be owned by Jews nor have Jewish directors or employees. - Banks that are not purely personal enterprises of individuals may not have Jewish managers. - Rural property may neither be owned by Jews nor encumbered with such mortgages in the future. - In return for the protection that Jews enjoy as foreigners, they pay double the taxes of Germans. I hear and see people mentally throwing up their hands at the cold cruelty of these proposals - if they don't regard them as the figments of a sick imagination, all the more so because in the harmless circles of the liberal bourgeoisie they have long since become accustomed to clamoring with the Jews about their lack of equal rights because they are not yet or not generally becoming officers, judges, administrative officials. That is why they moan about mistreatment, lack of justice and enjoy playing the downtrodden. And yet it is the other way around. Never in hi story has a great, talented, capable people come so quickly and without resistance under the influence and spiritual leadership of a foreign people of a completely different disposition as the German people have now come under Jewish leadership. Mind you, we are not talking about the billions that the small number of Jews among the Germans has accumulated, in part by using means that were and are unlawful and unscrupulous - we are not talking about the economy, although there are serious dangers in this ar ea. What matters to us is to save the soul of the German people, and since we have recognized that the lack of instinct, the harmlessness, the lack of independence of our people, especially towards the Jewish people, are so great that the individual cannot protect himself, the state must take over the protection by enacting harsh laws, following the compulsion of necessity. It will be said, do you believe that an honorable Jew will submit to such laws? He will shake the dust of the inhospitable German soil from his feet and seek a home elsewhere. Hard, but inevitable. And what about the rest of the characterless Jews who submit to everything? That will be dealt with - because the weakness of the German defense against Jewry actually lies in the fact that p retty much everyone in public life knows one or more impeccable Jews; he directs his thoughts towards them when they deal with the Jewish question, pity for them makes him weak. That is humanly understandable - but where the future of our people is at stak e, we have to let go of our weakness. The Zionists Anyone who sees in the Jews members of a foreign race who, despite participating in all the goods of our culture, have not become Germans because they cannot become so due to a fundamentally different di sposition, must welcome the fact that the nationalist movement, so - called Zionism, is gaining more and more supporters among the Jews themselves. One can only have respect for the Zionists; they openly and honestly confess that their people is a people for itself, whose basic characteristics are unshakeable and have not been destroyed by a life of almost two thousand years of statelessness and among strangers; they also declare, without backing, that a real blending of the Jewish strangers among their host peoples is impossible by virtue of the natural law of the race, which is stronger than the outward adaptation to the conditions of the foreign environment. The Zionists certainly confirm what the opponents of the Jews who stand on the standpoint of race h ave long maintained, and even if they are a small flock in relation to the entirety of their racial comrades - the truth they proclaim can no longer be silenced. Germans and Jewish nationalists are of one mind with regard to the indestructibility of the Je wish race - so who wants to deny the Germans the right to draw the necessary political conclusions from this? The anti - Semites What has just been said about the Conservatives applies by and large to the anti - Semitic groups and the Farmers' Union, even th ough there are also strong democratic currents in the former, and even though the latter is not a party but an association representing the economic and political interests of agriculture. The party anti - Semites have sinned a great deal, and perhaps those are not wrong who think that the appearance of anti - Semitic party groups, which quarreled among themselves and often offered personally disreputable elements a playground for their harmful activities, has done more good than harm to Jewry by turning the e ducated against all anti - Semitism. Admitting all guilt, the righteous must nevertheless declare that party anti - Semitism has the great merit of having, despite everything, laid its hand on the wound that Jewry has inflicted on our people and continues to inflict anew every day. They have kept the anti - Jewish movement on track and yet have enlightened the widest circles about the dangers of the times. Now it will be their task to persevere until the slogan of defense against the Jews has become self - evident to all national - minded people of all classes and professions. It is a good sign that the economic successes of the Jews are no longer in the foregro und of anti - Semitic activity, but that the moral and national side of the Jewish question is being emphasized with the greatest emphasis. The cheeky saying that anti - Semitism is the socialism of stupid folks has never been true - but now that the struggle has been carried to the national - moral sphere, no one may say that it draws its strength from the envy of those who are inferior or left behind in economic life. The party anti - Semites will find a connection to the Reich reform; they will suppress democra tic tendencies, where such exist in their circles, by pointing out that the strongest weapon of Jewry is the democracy of the non - Jews. They must also strive to overcome the petty - bourgeois narrowness of their appearance and lend a hand with the same big t hinking and far - sightedness as they have bravely done.