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History of Agila Economy 1700 – 1900 Adotse Onoja Copy Right: Adotse Onoja 07067418478 Published By: Suncob Press 2012 No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, otherwise without the prior permission of the author. ISBN: 978-2691-18-6 ABOUT THE BOOK The economy of every society is the center piece of its survival. Therefore, an understanding of a society’s economy goes a long way in exploring and giving understanding of her other spheres of existence. A researched knowledge of the economy of a society provides a tool for a prospective positive growth of that society. The book History of Agila Economy 1700 – 1900, speaks volume of the economic activities and behaviour of the Agila people. These economic activities were identified particularly in agriculture, trade, crafts and industry. This book also covers the mode of production, geography and peopling of Agila. The period used in this book covers from the settlement period of the Agila people, through their colonization and into the most contemporary period. Onoja Adotse is from Benue State. A graduate of the Department of History, Benue State University. As a student, he held different responsibilities in various students’ organization. He is the author of Becoming a Genius (2011). ISBN 978-2691-18-6 Dedication: Chief Dr. Mike Okibe Onoja Content Section One Introduction, Geography, Peopling of Agila Chapter One Introduction Chapter Two Geography and Peopling of Agila Section Two Agila Economy during the Pre-Colonial Period 1700 – 1800 Chapter Three Mode of Production, Labour System and Land Use System in Pre-Colonial Agila Economy Chapter Four Economic Activities Section Three Agila Economy during the Colonial and Post-Colonial Period 1800-1900 Chapter Five Agila Economy Chapter Six Post-Colonial Agila Economy Bibliography FOREWORD This part of the globe is placed at a low stratum of economic development. It therefore becomes a clamoring issue to determine the prospect of her “economic take off”, a “take off” that will excel, in a systematic form of putting into consideration our diverse socio-cultural arrangement. In this system, the smallest part is capable in a way of determining success for the whole. Our individual societies, villages and communities are the smallest part. They become the units of this system for a quick realizable economic growth for all. They should be studied and used as unit of analysis. As factually observed by historians, there is a relationship between the past and the present which largely determines the future when its knowledge are captured and utilized. This is what the author of this book succinctly portrayed. This book takes into consideration the need for a prospective economic plan using the knowledge and understanding of past economic behaviour of small unit of the society of men. The book makes an assessment of the history of rural Agila economy from the 1700 period to the 1900 period. Agila society has a near death of historical documented materials. This is particular with the economy which had never been reflected in a document form. The few documents on her are socio-political and cultural history. Nonetheless, the author makes extensive use of oral information that was handed down from generations as well as few unpublished and scanty text on the economy of the people. This is also supported with archival information. The author discussed the history of Agila economy within the mentioned period of time which cuts across settlement of Agila society to the contemporary period. The contents of this economy as discussed are on agriculture, trade, crafts and industry. The book also discusses its challenges and prospects particularly of the contemporary period. In addition, the author looked at the origin, migration and settlement, the geography as well as the socio-political organization of the Agila people. Suffix to conclude that economy the foundation of all societal development is the main discuss of this book. Its knowledge particularly its behaviour from the onset of a society, becomes a compass for her development. The Agila society now with a researched material on her economy, now has a tool to work on for her development. This book also is a handy tool for the government, well- meaning organizations, individuals and institutions of higher learning that would want to delve into further research on any pre-colonial economy of a rural African society. The issue of colonization and development has always remained a debatable topic in political economy. That is weather the introduced global market by colonialism explains the reason for developing economic situation in this part of the world or it helped it to grow. Whatever the argument, there is an inter relationship and the author of this book proves to the best of his knowledge that before the advent of colonial market system, the African rural societies had their well-defined and sustaining socio-economic order. Otse Otokpa (Hon) PREFACE This book finds its cause in the need to contribute to the economic development of Agila with the provision of her economic history. I consider this approach of providing a history of the issue as one of the best primary approaches towards the prosperity and development of the society. It finds it root in my B. A project titled the Origin and Development of Agila Economy during the Pre-Colonial Period. This work was supervised by the Head of Department, History, Benue State University, Markurdi, Prof. Mike O. Odeh. This book is now expanded to include the colonial and the post-colonial period of the Agila people. Thus, it is divided into three parts. In the first part I traced the origin, migration and settlement of the Agila people as well as their geography and peopling. In the second part of this book, I discussed the pre- colonial economy of the Agila people. Finally, the third part deals with the colonial and post-colonial economy of the Agila people. This should be considered a start as the economy of other rural and small societies should be researched into and can be used as a unit of analysis. Much work is indeed needed on this level by researchers who appear to neglect it. I accept responsibility for the research and analysis. I am nevertheless greatly indebted to Prof. Mike O. Odeh of History Department, Benue State University, for haven read and constructively criticized my B.A work in its various stages. This has given me the foundation for academic works as well as the perseverance and research methodology in history. To Dr. S. I. Ugbegili who read every line and made the necessary corrections thereby giving this book a look of a researched history work. I am also indebted to Hon. Otse Otokpa who not only proof read the factual context of it. My most profound gratitude goes to all my lecturers of the Department of History, Benue State University, particularly Prof. Armstrong Adejo, Prof. Okpe Okpe jnr., Dr. C.S Orngu and Dr. Dzrker. Finally, to my loving mother, you are my first teacher. Words are not enough to mention my gratitude for sending me to school at the age of one and for teaching me letter writing at the age of six. Everything good about me comes from you. Onoja Adotse CHAPTER ONE Introduction The economy of every society is the center piece of its survival. Therefore, an extensive understanding of a society’s economy goes a long way in explaining and giving understanding of her other spheres of existence. The history of African economy as it has developed from the pre-colonial period has suffered great negligence when compared to the attention enjoyed by her other aspect of history; the political, cultural and social aspect of history.1 It therefore appears that, there is the need for Africans and economic historians, particularly of Afrocentric mind, to reconstruct the history of African economy from the pre-colonial period. This could be done on the different African societies then the issues there within can be harmonized. Through that, the prospect of making positive progress in African economy can be determined. In essence, the factual knowledge of African economic history would certainly position the contemporary African mind on what, how and where had gone wrong in African development. This book concerns itself with the history of Agila economy from the 18th century to the 20th century. It discusses their mode of production, their land use system and their sources of labour. It also discusses their economic activities during this period which are majorly agriculture, trade, craft and industry. The definition of the term history has often proven difficult. It is often discussed that of all the fields of humanity, history has proven to be the most difficult to be given a generally acceptable definition. In other words there is no consensus as to the definition of history. In attempting to give a universally acceptable definition, scholars have often met with challenges of either world view or their position in time. However, scholars through the ages, have continued attempts to defining history in a universally acceptable term despite the mentioned challenges. History is a Greek derivation like most terminologies in academics. It is derived from historie which means inquiry, research and investigation. In this situation, history then becomes a process independent of the individual and has to do with the actual event that occurred that remains objective. Collingwood sees history as the mutual relationship between the past and what the historian thinks about it.2 Another scholar, P.L Gardinner sees history as those activities that make up the past and how the historian goes about accounting for them.3 Carr sees history as the continuous process of interaction between a historian and his fact and the unending dialogue between the present and the past.4 An assessment of the above definitions of history by scholars have one thing in common which can be agreed should form the basis of all attempts at the definition of history. These are the past and the duty of the historian. Therefore, history can be defined as past events and activities of men which end result have been change and how the historians goes about investigating and presenting it. Economy is concerned with how men and women and women, rich and poor, free and servile, elite and commoner go about to make a living, that is organizing and exploiting resources available to them.5 Economy can be seen as the careful management of resources and also entails the entails the activities engaged to make a living. Pre-colonial period as used in this book refers to the period before European infiltration and influence over the Agila society. This period can be referred to as the period before European contact. In Nigeria, this was a period when she existed in empires and kingdoms, villages and clans until European infiltration and colonization. Colonial period in this book refers to the period of European influence over the Agila people in their society. This period in the Nigeria phenomena was when European influence and domination began. While post-colonial as used in this book refers to the period when the Agila society became an independent society of direct European influence. The economy of a society is the determinant of her formation and existence. The knowledge of the economy is consequently a prospective tool towards the development of such society. However, the study of the economy of the Agila society has become a neglected aspect in the reconstruction of her history by scholars as well as journalist that writes on the society. This book identifies the challenge of undocumented history of the Agila society. Holding to this challenge, this book is aimed at researching into the development of Agila economic history. It makes a research into how the Agila people have developed and used their available resources for the satisfaction of their needs and wants. This book also aims at studying the development of an economic relationship between the Agila society and her neigbouring societies of the Igbo group and her other Idoma counterparts. Finally, it is aimed at revealing the relationship between Agila economy and her social, political, statutory organization as well as ideologies. The book covers the economy of Agila from the 18th to the 20th century. This period covers the pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial period of Agila economy. This book beginning from the pre-colonial period is due to the importance attached to the knowledge of how the economy of the Agila people has evolved and developed before colonial influence. The colonial and post- colonial aspect of this book will give the knowledge of the people’s economy during this period respectively and finally, the organizing and exploiting of the resources available to them during these periods. Furthermore, it also covers knowledge of the Agila social and political organization as well as the geography and peopling. Consequently, this work is divided into three sections. Section one is the Agila people. This section gives a general introduction of the book in chapter one. The second chapter of this section is on the geographical location and people of Agila. Section two of this book deals with the pre-colonial Agila economy. It contains chapter three and four. Chapter three is on the mode of production, land use system and her labour system particularly during the pre-colonial period. Chapter four is on the major economic activities of the people. These economic activities are majorly in agriculture, craft and industry. This chapter also deals with trade during the pre-colonial period and the origin of the markets. Finally in section three is on the colonial and post-colonial economy of Agila. Chapter five in this section deals with colonial economy. Its sub topics include European infiltration into the Agila society, the colonial economy, and the introduction of cash economy as well as the impact of colonial economy on Agila society. It also deals with monetization and tax in Agila economy with the coming of colonialism. It further includes the concrete introduction of wage labour and the construction of roads and railways. Chapter six deals with post-colonial Agila economy; agriculture which is the major economic activity, trade, markets and trade routes. This last chapter also reveals challenges of contemporary Agila economy and recommendations. As at the writing of this book, there is obviously no literature on the Agila economy. Available literatures on the Agila society rather emphasizes on the socio-political evolution and organization of the people. The reason for this may not be farfetched as there has often been disagreement over socio-political order among the people. Otokpa Egwurube in his book Agila History; Issues and Perspectives presented a relatively comprehensive work on the social and political history of mentioned and he Agila society. He nonetheless mentioned only one economic activity of the people, agriculture, and it was without a detailed discussion.6 Otokpa Unogwu in his book Agila Moment of Truth also wrote exhaustively on the political structure and dichotomy of the people. Furthermore, he gave a detail account of the origin and migration of the Agila people. But the book never talked on the economy of the people. The significance of this book lies in the discussion of the economic activities of the Agila society from the pre-colonial period. This makes it possible for the people of Agila to have a detailed knowledge of how the Agila society have evolved and developed their economy through the years. This book is also a contribution to the scarce resources on the Agila history and particularly on her economy. Finally, it will be of assistance to interested researchers in the knowledge of how the economy of the Agila society has helped in shaping her socio-political values and organization. Methodology being an essential tool for a factual historical reconstruction is employed in this book. The source materials used for this book are primary sources and secondary sources. The primary sources consist of information gotten from oral interviews and discussions relating to this work. Secondary sources are essentially the base for intellectual writing in contemporary scholarly work. They are information sourced from written materials for this book includes both published and unpublished works. It also includes archival materials as used in this book. Nonetheless, this work makes exhaustive use of primary sources most. This is because of the earlier mentioned challenge of no literature on Agila economy prior to this book. Notwithstanding, all facts are sourced, both oral and written were screened through the sieve of historical objectivity. ENDNOTES 1. The reason for this argument can be traced to the scholarly argument between the Eurocentric and the Afrocentric schools of thought regarding the African past. 2. R.G Collingwood, The Idea of History, London, Oxford University Press, 1997, p.9 3. P.C Gardinner, Philosophy of History, The New Encyclopedia Britainica Vol./8, Chicago, Cambridge University Press, pp. 961-965 4. E.H Carr, What is History, Middlesex, Penguin, 1964, p.30 5. O.N Njokwu, Economic History of Nigeria; 19th and 20th Century, Magnet Business Enterprise, Nigeria, 2001, p.2 6. O.B Egwurube, Agila History; Issues and Perspective, Brain Book, Markurdi, 2010, p.17 7. O. Unogwu, Agila Moment of Truth, Idoma Landmark Series, Otukpo, 2000 CHAPTER TWO Geography and Peopling of Agila Origin and Migration Agila Geographical Context Social and political organization Origin and Migration The Agila people like other societies have different traditions of origin that seek to explain how they originated. One of these traditions of origin posits that the Agila people to have originated from the ancient Kwararafa confederacy. The confederacy was an African kingdom that comprised of different ethnic groups existing in a confederation. It was located along the Benue River of present Nigeria. This account holds that the Agila people existed in a scattered arrangement among their Idoma counterparts. Another account holds that the Agila society originated from Igala, in present Kogi State. This account holds that the Agila people are descendants of Ago, an Igala prince. Going by this account, the children of Ago makes makes up ten out of the twelve clans in present Agila. These ten clans are Onwa, Osudu, Ogbilolo, Akpoge, Efoha, Okpakor, Okpatobo, Amneta, Onogwu and Otokilo-Ai Anidu. This second account on the origin of the Agila people in reference to a progenitor has another part of the Agila society to be descendants of Osilagama. His descendants make up the Osiroko and Efofu clans. There is also another account on the origin of the Agila people. This final tradition of origin holds that the Agila people are an extraction of Igbo stock.2 There are different views to the migration of the Agila people. Some of these migration explanations are in correspondence to the different views on their origin. One of these migration accounts has it that Ago left Benin to escape unending dynastic disputes in that ancient empire. Unfortunately, he ran into another war in Idah. This war forced Ago to move further east of Idah, a period between c. 1625-1655. This move within this period finally brought him and his descendants into present day Agila.3 Some commentators have tried to explain some ounderlining issues regarding Agila’s origin. Let us begin an assessment from Apa and the Kwararafa confederacy. They posit that the Agila people have a very distinct language particularly with the Igumale people and classified as semi-Bantu.4 Taking a closer look, it is discovered that, almost in totality the Agila people has it words in similarity with the rest of her Idoma counterparts. The differences can majorly be found in pronunciation. For instance, where an Otupko man would pronounce ‘ch’, and Agila man would pronounce ‘ts’. This present differences in dialects found among the Idoma speaking people can be understood and explained better in the light of their existence in diverse groups and individual external influences. Some of these influences crept on them during their migration process. Furthermore, another tie of Agila to other parts of Idoma is in their relationship with Okpoga. This account has it that Ago had a younger brother called Okpe, the founder of Okpoga in present day Okpokwu Local Government Area of Benue state. In other words, both Okpoga and Agila are of common origin. Okpoga ole’Ogwa and Agila ole’Ogwa, meaning the children of Ogwa.5 Ogwa, their mother is said to be a Jukun princess. There are issues also discussed in the Agila origin that has to do with her tie to Igala. Critical analysts mention that Agila have a variety of wide differences with Igala such as in masquerades, traditional hats and language.6 But a bold relationship can be seen between Agila and Igila in names such as Attah which is the title of the chief of Igala. Attah of Igala. More pronounced too is the Agila ancestral masquerade called ekwu aja which is a feminine masquerade and believed to be Inikpi, an Igala princess. Other ties can be found in masquerade songs and chants. The origin tie between Agila and Igbo stock is the infiltration into Agila land by Ngbo during migration. But worthy of mention is the fact that the number of issues to conclude this assertion is quiet few. One of there is the duplication of Igbo names and other qualities in Agila. However, the Agila society to a wide range has her unique qualities that differ from their neighbouring Igbo such as food traditions and markets. On the whole, the Agila society can be agreed to be a very unique society. With origins traced to Apa, Igala and Igbo, the Agila people as suggested by Armstrong, whatever their migrations and ancients contact are, have had a long period of independent development and their culture contacts have been in many direction.7 Agila Geographical Context The Agila society is presently located in the southern intermediate of Idoma land. They are bordered by Igumale to the North, Ngbo, Ezza and Effuim of Ebonyi to the East and South, then Ehah Amufu of Enugu State to the West. This is to say Agila’s longest border line projects deeply into the present Igbo society. Agila lies between Longitude 07, 59 and Latitude 06, 31 south and 06, 45 North.8 Agila is the most populated of the Southern Idoma district of Benue State. Armstrong puts a rough estimate based on land survey map at 83 square miles. Mentioning Abraham, Agila has population of 6,479 in 1935 thereby giving a density of 78 per square mile. And in 1952, it has 15,016 and a density of about 180 per square mile. Agila society is located within the area commonly referred to as the transitional belt or zone of Nigeria. It shares both the climatic characteristics of the Northern and Southern part of the country. It is predominantly endowed with a rich kind of thick humus layer that is good for agriculture, particularly yam. The Agila society is geographically located in the vegetation belt of Nigeria. It is well watered as in the palm belt. It is fairly open to orchard and patches of high forest. It is located on the flat which becomes inundated in the rains. The harmattan wind blows from the North and is prevalent between the middle November and in the beginning of February.10 Information from the people suggests that prior to the 18th century the area was clustered with high dry forest. This gradually gave way for the emergence of short grassland in the late 18th century and into the 19th century. This is followed with the emergence of varieties of scanty short trees in the 19th century and into the 20th century. Thereby, their thick forests and tall trees can now be found mostly by river banks and boundaries. Social and Political Organization Not until in the most contemporary time of the 21st century, not much was written about the Agila past. Consequently, not much was academically known about how the Agila society was politically and socially organized. Agila society has a well-developed social and political institution. The structured political and social organization provided the framework within which various units of society performed different functions for the development and organization of the society. The Agila political organization begins from the family. The family which is the smallest unit is called ole. Collections of families that trace their lineage to a particular ancestor make up the large extended family called okonu’ole or ododa’ole. It is this group that makes up the clan, ipfofu. The basic of Agila social and political organization is the ipfofu. The importance of the ipfofu in the Agila social and political milieu is emphasized in its endowment of identification, social and political right. These ipfoofu makes up the twelve clans of Agila earlier mentioned. The Agila system of government is called gerontocracy. This is a system of government by the elders. The elders in Agila gerontocracy are a representation of the twelve clans. They form the major administrative machinery for the entire Agila society. These elders are called the Ai’Istogwa and they preside over the Ojira. The Ojira is a mass meeting of adult males and the supreme congress of community. The conduct of the Ojira is monitored by the elders who usually speak on behalf of their clans. A democratic principle governs the Ojira reflecting from the Itsogwa such that, one faction cannot control or influence the decisions of the Ojira. The elders speak for their clans but this is done to integrate the interest of the youths. Nonetheless, young men of reputable achievements were given the ground to speak. The Itsogwa in Agila gerontocracy system were given the prerogative of making decisions or deliberations that are binding on the entire society. The Itsogwa generally acts as an administrative cabinet.11 This cabinet has the Otse Agila who is the paramount ruler of the Agila society. The Otsonu Agila is the next in command. Others are the Unogwu Akpoge and Unogwu Ogbilolo which were the army generals in charge of Akpoge and Ogbililo provinces. There is the Echoembi who is in charge of internal affairs, Agada in charge of external affairs and the Otse’eje who is in charge of cultural and social activities. There is also the Okpozu Ogaba which is in charge of policing, while the Otse Oba who is the chief priest has his assistants in the Ogene and Oroja. Finally is the Onoja Okpatobo who is the chief priest in charge of Arekwu, the ancestral masquerades. Agila ancestral masqurades include Enkpe, Ikpila, Ekwu Aja and Unaloko. Others are Akatakpa, a slave spirit and Ona Otse Aloje. They both protect societal order and morality. The Akatakpa could be brought with village youths and act as police. This was also the same with Onya Otse Aloje. It could publicly announce wrongs done by individuals of the society which makes it a deterrent for others. Such act could be that of stealing, fornication, even greed, lying and defecation along footpaths. Age groups called Owa was a social organization in Agila society. The Owa made up of both sex of the same age was divided into groups that reigns for three haves seasons. Their reign was a competitive one to see which group will perform better than their predecessors at the end of their reign. They were involved in village activities such as reparation and construction of village roads and bridges, farming and thatching huts among others. Finally, they were also involved in social and cultural entertainment. They also had owa of female folks. Also worthy of mention is that the worship of ancestral spirit is shrouded in a way where by secrets are known only to initiated members. ENDNOTES 1. See O. B Egwurube, Agila History, pp. 6-7 2. See details in O. B Egwurube, Agila History, p. 154. See also NAK/MAK/1315 “Benue Province” 3. See details in O. B Egwurube, Agila History, pp. 9-12 4. R.G Armstrong, Idoma Speaking People in D. Forde (ed), The Peoples of the Benue Confluence, International African Institute, London, 1995, p,92 5. This tradition of origin can be ascertained with the tomb of Ogwa, the mother of Ago and Okpe, which can be found in both Agila and in Okpaga. Oral tradition further ad to it that the two children divided their mother’s corps for burial at their individual settlement. 6. R. G. Armstrong, Idoma Speaking People, in Forde D. (ed), p. 121 7. R. G. Armstrong, Idoma Speaking People, in Forde D. (ed), p. 122 8. O. B Egwurube, Agila History, p.2 9. R. G. Armstrong, Idoma Speaking People, in Forde D. (ed), p. 119 10.NAK/MAK prof/1370 “Forestry Survey Tiv Division” 11.See details in O. B Egwurube, Agila History,pp. 47-57 Section Two Agila Economy during the Pre-Colonial Period 1700 to the 1800s CHAPTER THREE Mode of Production, Labour System and Land Use System in Pre-Colonial Agila Economy Mode of Production Land Use System Labour System Mode of Production Every society has its economy characterized by a particular economic system. The economic system is seen in the method in which production and satisfaction of needs and wants of the people and the society at large is being carried out. In consequence, this has a way of influencing the economic and political structure of the society. It also influences the social and other aspect of the society which can include the legal and ideological system and belief of that society. The mode of production also called the economic system entails the relationship and combination of the productive forces which include labour power and the means of production. The mode of production is the material foundation and determiner of other aspect of social life; particularly the legal system, the political system, the belief system and morality.1 The mode of production shapes the mode of distribution, the mode of circulation, the mode of consumption and all that which is agreed to constitute the economy of the people. It is the manner in which the aforementioned is been carried out that is considered to differentiate one mode of production from the other. Different kind of mode of production can be identified among pre-colonial African societies. One of them can be identified as the primitive communal mode of production. This entails collective ownership of land which is the foundational means of production, by family units or the society at large. Another identified mode of production is the tributary mode of production. Under this mode of production, the society is divided into two groups based on their economic status in the society. The lower class is referred to as the peasants while persons from the upper class are usually the land owners. In this situation, tributes flow from the lower class to the upper class. Most significantly among this tribute is labour. Finally, there is the slave mode of production. This mode of production entails ownership by producers and free members of the society. This is to say, it is a system where the society depends on slave labour for production. In pre-colonial Agila society, everybody was a worker and they produce and consume collectively.2 Pre-colonial Agila people had a mode of production which can be referred to as the traditional communalism mode of production. This mode of production is dependent on land as the primary means of production. Land Use System Land is one of the factors of production. It is one of the major, first and primary resources to man. In pre-colonial Agila economy, land belonged to the entire society. In essence, land was communally owned. This communal ownership of land not withstanding is usually in accordance to patrilineal claims. This socio-political and economic arrangement of the Agila people in relation to land use is what reflects in the living arrangement of the people according to families, compound and clans. In other words, they live in clusters of family and clan tie in patrilineal order. Communal land use as developed by the Agila people in the pre-colonial period includes homesteads, places for shrines and playground. Others are farmlands, farm settlements and plantations particularly palm trees and later on markets and hamlets. Farming and agriculture was the mainstay of pre-colonial Agila economy. Hence, land use for agriculture becomes our major topic to discuss. It was simple. The first consideration is that the person in question must not just be a man that claims Agila origin. He must be a man that can clearly trace his patrilineal root to a major clan and family. If a man wants land for agricultural activity, he goes into the bush and looks for a suitable unmarked plot of land. If he finds one, all he needs to do is to simply lay claim to it. To mark a piece of land to signify ownership is to make marks and signs on conspicuous trees or to tie knots of tall grasses. These marks, signs or knots of grasses automatically become boundary of his newly found piece of land which he considers will be enough for his intended farmland. These marks also indicate to another man that the place has been owned by another. There was no scarcity of land in pre-colonial Agila society. That was why this method of land ownership was able to go without conflict. This non-scarcity of land made it possible for an excellent shifting cultivation. Under this shifting cultivation, a man could leave the land he was occupying for another new land to allow fallowing. This is usually common after three years. Or he could pass it unto another man and most especially the children or relatives. Labour System Labour is an inherent factor of production. It is man’s primary condition to exist and survive. Labour is regarded as means of production consisting labour power and the object of labour. Labour power refers to the collective practical activities of the labourer while the objects of labour are those things which the labour power is applied. Finally, there is the means of labour which are those tools with which man labours.3 There are different sources of labour in pre-colonial African societies. Among them are family labour and voluntary labour. Others are paid and slave labour.4 in pre-colonial Agila society, the most predominant source of labour was family labour. The family labour in pre-colonial Agila society was the kind of labour which involves the man, his wife or wives and child or children as the case may be. This was the primary reason why polygamous marriage was predominant during this period. Notwithstanding, Agila source of labour that provided for her surplus at the time was collective labour. This was gotten from group arrangements known as opiopia (rotational). The opiopia was held among registered interest groups. These interest groups come together in agreement to have a rotational work on each other’s farms. These groups mostly begin at the beginning of the planting season. They come together and have a meeting, and there the order of the rotation was agreed. One of the most popular of such groups was the owa. ENDNOTES 1. Claude Ake, A Political Economy of Africa, Longman Group Limited, England, 1981, p.13 2. O. B Egwurube, Agila History, p.20 3. See details in Claude Ake, A Political Economy of Africa, pp. 9-15 4. Y. A Ochefu and O. O Okpe, Idoma Pre-Colonial Economy, in Y. A Ochefu et al (eds), A History of the Benue People, Aboki Publishers, Makurdi, 2007, pp.114-117 CHAPTER FOUR Economic Activities of Agila during the Pre-Colonial Period Agriculture Hunting Fishing Local Craft and Industry Trade The origin of Agila Market Men in their societies from the beginning of civilization have always engaged in different activities in order to satisfy their needs and wants. These economic activities have often been dictated by the extent of the availability and abundance of raw materials for such economic activities. Pre-colonial Agila society was no different as they utilized their available resources to satisfy their needs and want which in turn dictated their kind of economic activities. These economic activities were majorly agriculture, trade, craft and industries. Agriculture Agriculture entails growing of crops and the rearing of animals. Agriculture as put by various literature is a primordial economic activity in Africa. Agriculture gave rise to civilization and centralized systems.1 In pre-colonial Agila society, it was the most important activity of the people and it gave them a means of livelihood. And like other parts of the world, it gave rise to their societal organization. It can be pointed out that the beginning of economy for man started with the knowledge of hunting and gathering. This was developed into planting and cultivation of favourable crops as well as domestication of selected and controllable animals. With this, man began to have control over his food production. Consequently, men with like interest and that shared relationships in one way or the other were brought together. They grew into communities, clans and villages as the case may be. This further led to kingdoms and empires. This economic revolution is being referred to as the “Neolithic Revolution”. The identification of the origin of agriculture in Agila society proves to be a difficult task. According to oral sources, agriculture among the Agila people started with Ago, the founder of the village. It is held that Ago left his family and travelled into the vast land today known as Agila. He set up his homestead and started with hunting. He soon began supplementing it with crop domestication. The land was good and supported his agricultural activities. Hence Ago refused to leave the land to return back home. This made his family to call him a crazy person for refusing to return back home because he found land which he thinks is more favourable. Hence, the name Ago e’yila, which literary means Ago has gone crazy (over fertile land). This definition of origin of agriculture finds corroboration in the name of the place, Agila. It is held in general explanation and acceptability by the people that the place now called Agila was been derived from Ago e’yila. Another explanation has it that the origin of agriculture in Agila had begun with them when they were in Apa 1 (not the Apa-Agila village) with the rest of their Idoma counterpart. Further enquiry also revealed that the origin of agricultural practice has a history that is diverse but in correspondence with their tradition of origin. Nonetheless, the fact to notice here is that, prior to colonial influence or inculcation of the Agila economy into colonial economic spheres of influence, the Agila society already head a very good knowledge of agriculture. This agricultural practice was extensively tied to land and they exploited it in a coordinative manner which paid off to the satisfaction of their agricultural needs. An average Agila pre-colonial man was usually acknowledged to be wealthy depending on the size of his farm and harvest. It often times reflected in the size of his family. The size of the farm is usually measured by the number of heaps. Making farms in ridges were rare. There were times an acquired piece of land was completely cultivated. At other time when they are not enough, the man can go for more elsewhere. Pre-colonial Agila men usually have more than two or more farms. Usually, one is situated close to the house and it is called elo ekwu’ole or ayi elo while the second one usually situated in far distance and referred to as elo ebi’rigbo or ene elo. These farms that are usually close to the homestead are usually been attended to and sometimes owned by the women. While the distance farms are usually strictly owned and controlled by the men. This was so because the farms close to the homesteads were usually of mixed cropping where the women were allowed to plant different varieties of crops and vegetables. While the distant farms usually held only yams. Sources also explained that reason for long distant farms by men was because a man is expected to hunt and set/check traps for animals alongside farm works. Also, a man who has his farm close to the house is often ridiculed by friends and is considered unadventurous. This owning of long distant farms led to the emergence of sub-urban towns such as Ivetse, Oda, Olukpo, Ibenda, Ogbokwu, Okpa’Obla, Ai’Unogwu and Ojocha.2 The farming season usually begun with the fall of the first rains this was called the owo afiliei. There was also a means of producing surplus in a situation where an Agila man would make his heaps during the harmattan period with the help of harmattan dew. This system was referred to as ovu which literary means dew. Part of this farming system during this period include tying strings to a plank-like wood or log and was used to smash down the tall grasses which were later burnt. This was followed with removing of the remaining stumps from the ground with hoes. Finally is the making of heaps or ridges. Notwithstanding planting was not done until the first rain. One advantage of this method is that, its products are harvested much earlier than those that were done following preparation with the coming of the rains. This was when farmers actually think it is the best time to begin preparation of the soil for the planting season. Preparation of the soil during the rain period was not that quite different from that of the harmattan period. The Agila soil during the 18th century period was predominantly large arable land endowed with very few trees. It rather had stumpy grasses that were not even clustered.3 The near only farm tool then for the preparation of soil for cultivation was hoe. Thus Armstrong referred this as one of hoe agriculture.4 These short grasses were removed from the ground with a hoe, collected together and burnt. The soil was then ready for making heaps or ridges for planting. It was later on into the 19th century that trees began to grow rapidly on Agila farmlands. One of the reasons given for this could be as a result of shifting cultivation. This shifting cultivation became too circled that even a piece of land that have been used before had to be returned to. This was a result of growing population. In these farms, tree branches were to be used and trees were planted to control yam tendrils and stems. These trees survive on their own after being planted to control yam stems and tendrils. On the other hand, they were nurtured to survive so as to avoid looking into the distant bush for yam supporting branches the following planting season. Pre-colonial Agila crops included millet, guinea corn, and yams. Yam is the most valued of the crops planted by the Agila people during the pre-colonial period. This is why a day is been set aside for the celebration of yams. This celebration is done in what is referred to as the Egbedegwu Ogwa. This significance of yam can also be found in how Agila people call market. A market is referred to as Ojah, a meaning that is synonymous with yam. A great yam farmer is titled as Ojah. Agila pre-colonial agricultural equipment included; hoes (inyiro), axe (aga), baskets (oribiri). Harvested grains were stored in traditional silo, a type of barn specially built for grains known as oba. The oba was built like a small round hut suspended from the ground with fork stick and has no door. A small window was then made at the side. It is through these windows that the grains were stored in the oba and it is also through this window that that they were fetched for use when the time comes. They were usually built in the compound. Yams were stored both in the farms and at home. In the farms, they were usually stored under trees. They were then covered with dry yam stems, anyisi. They were also stored in heaps which have been harvested of yams. These heaps were dug wide and the yams were arranged in these holes as much as the hoes could contain. They were then covered with leaves if it’s for temporary storage but were covered with dry yam stems if they were for long time storage. The dry yam tendrils permit ventilation for the yams. Yams at home were stored in barns called ogege and the yams were tied in stakes. These yam stakes were made by erecting a stick pole of about six feet to the ground. The kinds of sticks usually used were the ogirichi. This was because they easily survive and can serve the farmer for a long period of time. These sticks then have the yam tubers tied to them in roles upwards from the biggest tuber to the smallest. These ropes were strong shrubs gotten from the forest which were then stringed to a cord. These stakes were finally fenced for protection against goats. Thieves and stealing were not a thing common to pre-colonial Agila society hence items and crops either on the farm or at home were safe. Hunting Hunting was done in groups during the dry seasons. The surrounding Agila bushes were preserved for the dry season when fire was set in different areas on different days. This group expedition was usually carried out during the heart of the dry season because that was when the bushes were very dry to expose the animals in their habitat. With the completely dried cover for the animals burnt, the animals would have no place to hide. Secondly, the dry season was when there was less work to be done on the farms. This hunting expedition was usually led by the head hunter known as the Ada ai’oba. The Ada ai’oba sets the out the hunting rules of ai’oba. The ai’oba was an organized group of young men drawn from each clan on representative basis. The rules include; no killing of young and pregnant animals, an animal met during labour must be helped to deliver, no animal drinking water was to be killed, the first person to inflict serious injury becomes the owner when it is eventually killed even by another person. Other rules also include that the Ada ai’oba claims ownership of a killed animal under contention. Also that whatever happens during a hunting expedition was to be kept secret particularly from women and children. Pre-colonial Agila hunting expedition clearly depicts organization. Hunting equipments were mostly bows and arrows. (ota and oyi respectively). Fishing The Agila people during the pre-colonial period were engaged in fishing as one of its economic activities. This fishing was also mostly done during the dry season when the water level has reduced. The rivers and streams were these fishing were carried out include Oworiwo, Oserekwu, Avovo, Igbilede, Ozoovu, Isana and Itsire. One of the fishing methods was traditionally draining the water. By this method, bulwarks of sand heaps were made on selected narrow potions of the rivers length then begin to drain the wedged potion with bowls and calabash. When the water is reduced to minimum, the fishes become exposed to the fishermen for harvest. This method was known as owenyi literary meaning drain water. Other methods are oha and oga. The oha method was the application of poisonous tree sap known as ede to the river. This in effect brings the fishes to the surface of the river. The oga was made of palm products into nets and traps for fishes. It is important to mention that the application of owenyi and oha as a fishing method was collectively done. It was not a practice where a man or with his family just embark on because it attracted heavy sanctions. Local Craft and Industry The agricultural practices of the people provided them with surplus food which encourages population growth as well as social and administrative development. This in consequence created room for other economic activities. Pre-colonial Agila society developed the craft of iron smelting, weaving and pottery. They also developed the craft of wood works and carving. Iron smelting was done in pre-colonial Agila society just like every other Idoma society.5 Pre-colonial Agila society practice of iron smelting predates their present location. The knowledge of iron smelting in Agila is believed to have been gotten from their place of origin. The Agila people had few blacksmith which are called onowa. They produced the hoes that were used for the hoe agricultural system of Agila during the pre-colonial period. They also produced knives, arrows and axes. Iron smelting in pre-colonial Agila like other parts of Idoma of the time included firing iron raw materials hard until the iron is gotten. They were then heated using okpatsua and forging hammers until their intended designs were obtained. The Agila people also had pre-colonial knowledge of wood carving. There was a cordial relationship between the wood carvers and the blacksmith as they were the ones who carved the handles of the hoes, knives and axes. Pre-colonial Agila woodcarvers were also involved in the carving of kitchen wares such as bowls and pans known as the ukpar and izoko. The also carve the popular traditional game played mostly by elders known as the eche. Other items carved by pre-colonial Agila wood carvers include mortar (orzi), pestle (otu), wooden stools (ezi) and ancestral masks and spiritual statutes (ikpinoro). Agila pre-colonial craft also reflected in their styles of building. The hamlets still hold onto these styles of building. Some persons still choose to build their houses in these styles in the Agila town itself. However in contemporary times, even though they look good in their different styles and added modernization, it is can be attributed to financial constraints on the part of the owner. In the earliest times of the pre-colonial period, the walls of the houses were made of woven banga grasses (omna) in a round form. It was later developed by parching the gamba grasses with mud. Later on, the building entailed the exclusive erecting of mud walls usually in a square shape. The roofing was first done with stringed bamboo sticks in a cone shape which was sat on the dry walls. It was then thatched with palm fronds and finally spear grasses (epe). Pottery was also another part of the pre-colonial Agila economic activities. Pre-colonial Agila potters were involved in the making of pots and among other kitchen utensils such as plates and bowls. They were also engaged in the making of water pots that were used for drinking as well as used for fetching water from the streams. Clay was available in supply. They were fetched, softened and molded into desired designs after which there were fired till they became hardened. Weaving was also an aspect of pre-colonial Agila craft. They used and weaved palm fronds and raffia palms into items such as brooms handles, store bags, shields, baskets, palm frond mats known as abba which were also used as doors and okpukpo for sleeping. Furthermore, pre-colonial Agila economic craft activities included tapping palm wine which craftily done They were also involved in quarrying and made grinding stones, stones for resting pots when cooking as well as the kind for sharpening knives axe and hoe blades. Trade The pre-colonial Agila society was very much engaged in trade. Trade during the period as the concept of trade entails, has to do with the transfer of ownership of goods from one person to another. Their engagement in trading activities as one the essence of trading spells is to exchange what they have for what they do not have. This exchange of the goods they have and that which they want pre dates their arrival to their present location. It is called barter. Among the Agila people, it is known as ososa. As time went by, the disadvantages as common to barter began to surface. Particularly as needs grew following changes in development and population growth. One of these disadvantages was how to find somebody that has what you need and was willing to exchange it for what you have. Another was getting equal value for the items to be exchanged. It was on the verge of this disadvantage that a medium of exchange was introduced. The first medium of money to be introduced in the pre-colonial Agila society was salt and commonly referred to as oma otokonu. The Origin of Agila Markets According to sources, the origin of Agila market began with one Odo Ori Enega from Ogbilolo clan in Agila. He took pepper, leaves and cocoa yams as well as yams to Efoha clan square. He was later joined by another man called Omokwu. They were involved in exchange of items for what they want or what they believe others would be in need of and subsequently exchange them and gathering extras as profits. As others joined and as the medium of exchange continue to develop, the place later became the center for buying and selling. It then became known as Odoh Ori’s market and later Opfu-Oja. During the period, another market was soon started in Akpoge clan that later became known as the Ogbozu market. The market is one of the market days that makes the five days of the week according to Agila calendar. Sources have it that this market was begun by Ajii Ogbleke, an Okpakor man who, due to the distance of the opfu oja, decided to sell his yams in the Akpoge square which was closer to his house. He too was soon joined by others and then the Ogbozu market was established. It is not clear as to why the first market did not become the major market. However, it could be because Akpoge is located in the middle of the village and hosted most major village activities. Hence it could have been an easy agreement or natural circumstances for its market to become the major market. These markets and others of their like gave Agila society her five week days system. This is unlike her other Idoma groups that operated a four market day system in accordance with neigbouring Igbo societies. The Agila market days in their order were Ogbozu, Orogbozu, Okonokpa, Ulayi and Egwu. The Ulayi market was the biggest market in pre-colonial Agila, followed by the Orogbozu. The Orogbozu market also served as the day when public announcements were made in the market. This was because the market was a place where different people could gather at a time. It was the safest and widest means of communication. The Okonokpa day is usually the day that was used for celebrations in Agila. While the Ogbozu day was generally considered the resting day for them. The Agila society during the pre-colonial period had a secluded existence that strained trade with neigbouring societies. This is to say they barely had interactions with her neighbouring societies. Information and assessment suggests that this was due to her geographical location which thrusts deep into Igbo societies as mentioned earlier. Constituting factors that strained their relationships include land which their Igbo neighbours had less of. This made them to be despised by their Ngbo neighbours. This often led to missing people and hostile clashes which prevailed. The Igumale people were the only Idoma group that the Agila people had exhaustive contact with. Their market was the only market the Agila people attended with comfort. This is the Egwu market earlier mentioned. The major items of trade included yams and palm products such as palm kernel and palm oil. ENDNOTES 1. Polly Hill, ‘Some Characteristics of Indigenous West African Economic Enterprise’, Economic Bulletin of Ghana, 6, 1962, p.14 2. See Otokpa Egwurube, Agila History, p. 65 3. This information finds solace in NAK/MAK prof/1370 “Forstry Survey Tiv Division” 4. R. G Armstrong, Idoma Speaking People, in Ford D. (ed), p.93 5. R. G Armstrong, Idoma Speaking People, in Ford D. (ed), p.94 6. See Otokpa Egwurube, Agila History, pp.63-64 Section Three Agila Economy during the Colonial and Post-Colonial Period 1800 – 1900