Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience Siraj Foreword It is more than a quarter century since the CPI(M) led "Left" Front assumed power in West Bengal. In the late 1 950s the government of EMS Namboodiripad in Kerala was prominently projected as a model by the revisionist leadership of the united CPI to be followed after the Telengana model of establishing parallel power in villages, uprooting the feudal lords and their agents, was feared, hated and consigned to the back burner. The rise of Khruschevite revisionism preaching the possibility of socio-economic change through peacefully winning majority in Parliament was not only hailed by the U.S. imperialism, it tremendously emboldened the Indian revisionists. The CPI was split and the CPI(M) formed cleverly retaining the Khruschevite model in the Programme with left phrase-mongering. The present CPI (M) with Namboodiripad and a host of revolution-fearing political careerists, the upholders of the Kerala model with left verbiage, bared their fangs by expelling the real communists from the party after the glorious volcanic peasant upsurge in Naxalbari in 1 967 forcefully reviving the Telengana model of armed power capture pursuing the Maoist path. The United Front with the CPI (M) as the major constituent despatched state armed forces to crush the peasant struggle in Naxalbari. This was a watershade in the Marxist movement in India. Revisionists in India once decisively changed position to join the state power structure by soaking their hands with the blood of peasants, workers and other sections pitted against the very system of exploitation itself. The present "Left" Front is the culmination of this journey down to hell. Marxism in the hands of these reactionary revisionists has been distortingly reduced to a state-friendly ism. Such pro-rich, pro-imperialist distorted Marxism fits easily in the existing set- up. If the state resorts to brutal coercive measures, it also elicites censent of the people in favour of this rotten system. The CPI (M), CPI, and also the so-called parliamentary Naxalites too help the state in wining people’s support as well as neutralising their militancy against this order. This booklet is meant for the people and the activists who want a radical change of this existing system. The alternative revolutionary model of Naxalbari has been increasingly developing in many states like Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Maharashtra, Orissa, Jharkhand, Tamil Nadu, etc. over the past decades. In West Bengal this revolutionary Maoist model has been locked in a real battle against the armed forces of CPI(M)-led "Left" Front Government and the CPI(M) gangsters. Through this prolonged ideological and military battles against the state and its agents, the Maoist model is sure to replace the existing state system by ultimately setting up a socialist system in India. The future of India lies with the dedicated Maoist revolutionaries, not the hypocrat, rotten and careerist CPI(M) type revisionists. Siraj 1 5 August, 2003 INDEX Accommodative "Left" 1 -7 CPI Split — A Charade 8-1 1 Naxalbari and the CPM 1 2-1 5 Economism and Electoral Politics 1 6-21 Opportunism and Ruling Class Politics 22-34 Fight Against US intelligence units CIA and FBI dropped: The Perceived Enemy of Ruling Classes Becomes Revisionists’ Enemy 35-36 Degenerated Stand of CPM on Nationalities 37-39 Mesmerism on Forms of struggle 40-50 West Bengal Government’s Capitulation To Imperialism 51 -54 Propaganda of "Alternative Policies" by CPM is Nothing but a Hoax 55-59 Revisionism never places the proletariat in a vanguard role 60-65 Call for anti-privatization struggle is a underhand deal for privatization! 66-73 Land Reforms Permitted by the Class State: Results 74-83 The Growing Agrarian Crisis And New Agricultural Policy Of the ‘Left’ 84-95 Panchayat System: Spreading corruption and illusion to grass roots 96-1 05 Atrocities On Women 1 06-1 1 2 Education in "Left" Rule in West Bengal 1 1 3-1 1 7 The Representative of the ruling classes 1 1 8-1 20 State and the parliamentarism of the CPM and CPI 1 21 -1 27 The CPI(M) Sings the BJP Tune 1 28 On BJP – CPM collaboration 1 29 TMC actress Mamata enters the blind alley 1 30 Lessons from European Social Democracy 1 31 -1 34 Conclusion 1 35-1 39 Notes 1 40-1 48 Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience 1 Accommodative "Left" The state is a special organization of force; it is an organization of violence for the suppression of some classes. The question of the state and its overarching roles in the present stage of world capitalism are crucial questions of Indian revolution. Lenin castigated the people and the parties swearing by Marxism but always evasive of the character of the state in real life. He wrote disgustingly. "This (Marxian) def inition ofthe state has never been explained in the prevailing propaganda and agitation literature of the of f icial Social-Democratic parties. More than that, it has been deliberately ignored, f or it is irreconcilable with ref ormism, and is a slap in the f ace f or the common opportunist prejudices and philistine illusions about the "peacef ul development ofdemocracy" 1 The rise of capitalism and the capitalist system soon after bestowed upon the state the power of sole monopolizer of coercive sanctions and physical and human resources. The constitution making exercise gave the state two fundamental rights of eminent domain and police power. For the struggle for democracy as well as the felt-need of a safety-valve to diffuse the tensions the state arranged out-doors and windows as elbow-room for individual in the Lockean sense. Here lies the difference between the modern state and the states in the earlier stage. The acceptance of groups, classes, communities, etc. as legitimate entities within the national boundaries is symptomatic of leaving a space for contest in various forms but the state as such was projected as incontestable. The so-called society – centred state policy approach as made by Mill and later pluralists, emphasized the need and scope of free competition of groups and classes without endangering the state itself. The so-called view of the welfare state preferred in the 1 930s and particularly in the post World War II, conceded the primitive role of the state as dispenser of justice, relief and for the betterment of the masses along side its regulative role over the people. Maintenance of this regulative role implies the power over family, trade union, revolting classes, ethnic groups, etc. simultaneously with the savage power of marshalling of armaments, weaponry and armed forces. Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience 2 Revisionism Revisionism in India has assumed dangerous dimension. The CPI(M) the main culprit in the game of electoral polities and grabbing the springheads of money has turned into social fascists. Its polities of compromise with the ruling classes and bowing to the MNCs, World Bank and other foreign agencies along with ruthlessness to put down any voice of protest with the barrel of guns smacks of its naked character of social fascism. It officially uses the name of Marx and Lenin who fought for the emancipation of the proletariat and other deprived sections in the world, and thus tarnishes the image of those great thinkers and dedicated practitioners. The whole party machinery is devoted to creating an illusion that the existing system can be used to serve the deprived masses in India. Its role as a social fascist has been exposed like daylight when its cadres accompanied the paramilitary forces to torture, to arrest, to spy on the revolutionary peasants and even molest the peasant women in Midnapur, Bankura, and Hoogly in 2002-2003. The recent panchayat polls and the ghastliness of terror creating, murderous gangs of the CPM not even sparing the ‘Left’ Front partners, the RSP and Forward Block, have actually established the fact that instead of decentralization of powers, panchayats can be the most suitable means of the state to spread corruption at grassroots. The villages are the arenas of class struggle and revolutionaries concentrate on developing bases there. The fascist fangs of the CPM are not only poised against revolutionaries and would be revolutionaries, such fangs are simultaneously poised for grabbing money pouring in from various national and international sources in order to buy up criminals and others for the smooth running of the party machinery. The decades of revisionists’ taste for power in the class society rotten to the roots and the shameless propagation of using India’s parliamentary "democracy" for facilitating movements of the people prove it beyond an iota of doubt that parliamentary revisionism using Marx’s name is the main danger for the revolutionary movement in India. It is ludicrous to preach the polities of using this parliamentary machinery when polling figure itself, even if rigging and all such measures are taken into account, shows a steady downturn for the lack of interest of a big chunk of electorates in the very casting of votes. And one can perceive the disillusionment of general masses with the existing parties, yet Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience 3 Added to this material arrangement, the state develops and strengthens its ideological apparatus concealing the hidden aspects behind all constitutional rights of freedom and equality. The ideology of the state and its organic intellectuals play a profound role in stabilizing the existing system through multifarious ways in order to diffuse the tensions and win the support of the masses. So along with the overt threat of coercion and actual coercion the modern state has been greatly successful in winning the consent of the people through its vast ideological arrangements, institutions like legislative bodies, judicial system, educational institutions, media, political parties, etc. And when the powerful political parties with communist party signboards plunge into the accommodative process of diffusing the discontent of the masses with semblance of protestations on this or that issue the state becomes the actual gainer as its legitimacy stands vindicated: as if allgrievances, problems, discontents, revolting tendencies can be solved within the boundaries of the existing state. This cushioning effect is eminently materialized by the social–democratic parties in the modern states. The CPI and then the CPI(M) are credited with this tremendous task in this sub-continent called India. In the Communist Manifesto Marx and Engles boldly referred to the spectre of communism reigning in Europe. After so many years of this famous optimism the CPI, CPI(M) like parties can justly claim with profuse pride: we have cast communism into a mould which is capitalist and feudal- friendly. We can help crush revolts of the masses standing faithfully by the side of the state and we can also proudly hijack the programme of the militant struggles to the safe corridors of legislative assemblies and the parliament. many of them cast their votes for the absence of powerful alternative. We have to establish this alternative to the people by developing resistaince movement and revolutionary power centers. Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience 4 To trek down the path of history, in England the Social Democratic Federation started in 1 885 by mostly defection of men and women of the earlier Socialist League who threw themselves into the fray of parliamentary action. It also had its object of collective ownership of the means of production, distribution and exchange managed by a democratic state. They also wanted palliative or temporary reforms of the ills of the existing society. In the same line Fabian societies emerged after 1 882 and they developed a good following against Marxism. George Bernard Shaw became one of its key figures. Such societies preaching Fabian socialism were basically meant for legislative or administrative measures in favour of collectivist theory of state and municipal action for social reforms. Like the Social Democratic parties the Fabian socialists too believed in the path of gradualism towards a socialist system using the existing Parliamentary democracy 2 . The present Labour Party of England is also a successor to this Fabian society. The dangerous culmination of this so-called socialist party is reflected in the warmonger’s role of Tony Blair as the Labour Party Prime Minister in the recent Iraq aggression. Accommodative "Left" A revisionist approach, or in other words evading any revolutionary struggle, was the hallmark of the CPI. The First Party Congress held in Bombay in 1 943 declared, "the supreme task before our people is the defence of the motherland" in the "closest co-operation with the people ofthe United kingdom def ending their independence and f reedom against the f ascist axis ... " 3 It is curious to note that the CPI in the whole period before the Transfer of Power since the outbreak of — World War II accused the bureaucracy of all wrongdoings and cleverly evaded the colonial power as such. It even invoked the Party cadres to ensure British victory: "In the threatened areas, communists must of f er organized co-operation of the people through their mass organization and party units to the British or Indian troops f or of f ensive as well as def ensive preparation. " 4 This avoidance of attacking the colonial state and even holding out unstinted support to the British army Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience 5 stemmed from the pure social democratic position of rejecting the struggle for smashing the state machinery and setting up of a revolutionary state. The Tebhaga Struggle in Bengal and the Great Telengana struggle broke out rejecting the right opportunist positions of many in the CPI leadership. The withdrawal of particularly the Telengana armed peasant struggle brought to the limelight the topsy-turvy of most of the CPI leaders. It should however be mentioned here that despite the extreme adventurist position of the Randive-led CPI in the second Party Congress in 1 948 voices were raised for "complete severance from the British empire and full and real independence," "self determination to nationalities including the right to secessaion. A voluntary Indian Union, autonomous linguistic provinces" "abolitions of princedom, landlordism without compensation," etc. 5 The Randive line ended in Randive’s ouster from the post of General Secretary of the CPI and ultimately the leadership of the party was grabbed by the people more interested in parliamentary politics. rightist revisionist policy in later days. The withdrawal of the Telengana struggle relieved the CPI leadership from the trauma of armed struggle. A.K. Gopalan, who later became a brain behind the CPI(M) programme and decision-making ordered the "f ighting partisans to stop all partisan action to mobilize the entire people f or an ef f ective participation in the ensuing election to rout the Congress at the polls. " 6 It is noteworthy that the CPI leadership, despite plunging into electoral politics, did not altogether stop raising some of the genuine demands of the people. But the earlier bold announcements were steadily climbing down with the acceptance of parliamentary politics. The prospect of winning elections so much obsessed the CPI that since the first general elections it increasingly put in all efforts at parliamentary politics. The extended plenum of the C.C of the CPI held from 30 Dec.1 952 to 1 0 January 1 953 boastfully declared, "The entire party went into election campaign" immediately after the all-India party conference Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience 6 held in October 1 951 and " Not only party members but tens ofthousands of supporters and sympathizers plunged into the election campaign ... " 7 In the same Plenum reference was made to the colossal burdens on all sections of the people "including industrialists and merchants and other class of common people. " 8 The above clearly included all the industrialists among the people, and thus the CPI leadership’s sliding down with greater involvement in parliamentary politics paved the way for its extremely rightist revisionist policy in later days. The Soviet Communist Party’s topsy-turvy after the death of comrade Stalin in 1 953 provided the handle to the majority in the CPI leadership who had already done the necessary spade work for parliamentary politics. The 3 rd Party Congress held at Madurai in 1 953-54 acclaimed the "signif icant " role played by the Indian government "In a number ofimportant international issues. " 9 As is common place in parliamentary politics it also eulogized that government on certain other policies. After the 20th Congress of the CPSU the revisionist leadership of the CPI got emboldened by Khrushchev’s political thesis of "f undamental social change" in a number of "capitalist and f ormer colonial countries" through "winning a stable parliamentary majority backed by a mass revolutionary movement" of the proletariat and other working people. 1 0 It is worthy of mention that one third of the delegates in the Palghat Congress was in favour of ‘general united f ront with the Congress.’ The CPI by then was apparently divided into three main factions, the rightists, leftists and centrists with the rightists predominating. The Telengana model of parallel power established through protracted armed struggle was by then an event of the past and consigned to the back burner. The Namboodripad led ministry in Kerala in 1 959 provided the alternative model of peaceful transition to socialism endorsed at the 1 958 Amritsar Party Congress. It is an irony of history that many of the present CPI(M) leaders criticized the Kerala model at that time. Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience 7 If the 4 th Party Congress decisively changed the course of CPI history by its overtly pro-government slant, the 5 th Congress in 1 958 showed the complete metamorphosis of the CPI leadership shedding all overtly anti- state, anti-government policies of the 1 946-50 period. The CPI led Kerala Government under Namboodiripad’s leadership was projected as "the single biggest event in our national political lif e. " The assumption of power through elections by the CPI ministry in Kerala appeared as a model and justification of the revisionist stand of the Amritsar Party Congress policy, about the possibility of peaceful transition to socialism. Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience 8 CPI Split — A Charade The international Communist movement was by then split into the revisionist CPSU line and the revolutionary position taken by the CPC led by Comrade Mao Tse-Tung. The rightists in the CPI leadership thoroughly accepted the CPSU line of peaceful transition to socialism. The broadly leftist leaders showed some inclination to the Chinese position. By this time India attacked China, and the centrists in the CPI like EMS Namboodiripad, Jyoti Basu and Bhupesh Gupta expressed their own centrist viewpoints. Namboodiripad, while not categorically condemning China, admitted that Chinese actions were tantamount to aggression. 1 1 Jyoti Basu, the leading centrist, stated in the West Bengal Assembly that the CPI "will do its duty f or the def ence and integrity of India ... " 1 2 What is interesting that the "leftist" faction after coming out of the CPI not only distanced themselves from the Maoist comrades like Charu Mazumdar and others, they declared that, "it would be unreal to state that democracy is totally abandoned or semi-f ascist or f ascist conditions have been created " 1 3 It is necessary to make it clear that the CPI split was concerned with the defining of the classes, which could be allies of a democratic revolution. In practical terms if the ruling Congress party could qualify for a role in the people’s movement, the question of parliamentary path or of forming ministries in the existing set-up did not arise as a major point of debate between the right and the ‘left’ followers. A more intresting aspect is that the ‘left’ camp needed the powerful support of the centrists like Namboodiripad and Jyoti Basu. Thus what came as the CPI(M) programme and policy was a diluted patch-up understanding based on the compromise between ‘leftist’ and ‘Centrist’. The new party CPI(M) retained the basic roots of revisionism that the Rightist CPI leaders vociferously preached and practiced over the years After the split the ‘leftist and centrist leaders held a convention at Tenali in Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience 9 Andhra Pradesh in July 1 964. The debate on the parliamentary path to socialism was set at rest, without clinching the crucial question. It was stated that, "The Convention accepted the suggestion made by Com. EMS that those issues which are of immediate bearing on our political and ideological work like the f orms of transition and peacef ul co-existence should be discussed and clinched along with the Draf t programme. " 1 4 It is in order to reiterate that those postponed issues remained postponed even in the founding Congress of the CPI(M). 1 5 The ideological patch-up expresses itself in the CPI(M) programme passed in its first Congress. On the one hand it stated that, "the present Indian State is the organ of the class rule of the bourgeoisie and landlord, led bythe big bourgeoisie who are increasingly collaborating with f oreign f inance capital. " 1 6 This is then contradicted in order to keep room for an alliance by stating that, "contradiction and conf lict exist between the Indian bourgeoisie including the big bourgeoisie and f oreign imperialists. " 1 7 And "this stratum of the bourgeoisie will be compelled to come into opposition with state power and can f ind a place in the people’s democratic f ront. " 1 8 Thus, like the openly revisionist position of the CPI, this CPI(M) left open the back door for making alliances with the class representative parties of the bourgeoisie and landlords like the Congress. It is also significant that this new party in the leftist garb left open all opportunities of following the Kerala model of forming ministries in the existing setup. The programme stated " The Party will utilize all the opportunities that present themselves of bringing into existence government pledged to carry out a modest programme of giving immediate reliefto the people. . " 1 9 Thus the new party, the CPI(M), did not show any fundamental difference with the Rightist CPI. The earlier draft signed by Basava Punnaiah, P. Rammurti and H.K.S. Surjeet on 1 5 Feb. 1 964 had clearly accepted the position of the People’s Republic of China in the forefront of struggle for socialism. 20 But the CPM Congress virtually led by EMS Namboodiripad, Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience 1 0 Jyoti Basu, etc. declared a policy of equidistance from the politics of both China and the Soviet Union. It was a turbulent period with a food crisis and the spirited movements of the people. Elections were round the corner and both the CPI and the CPI(M) plunged into the fray. The Election manifesto of the CPI brought out in December 1 966 announced that, "the mood of the masses is unmistakably in f avour of radical change. " 21 It is notable that in the atmosphere of anti-Congress mood of the people the CPI(M), a hotch potch embodiment of pro-right, centrist and ‘leftist’ leadership resorted to attacking the right CPI and, till then, the degeneration of the Party had not reached its nadir. E. M. S attacked the CPI leadership on the question of the unity of India. He stated that the bourgeois approach "would consider the ‘unity of India’ as ‘good’ and the ‘f issiparous f orces’ (such as the caste, the religions community, the tribe, the language and the religion) as ‘evil. It would theref ore give a stirring call to the people to oppose and def eat the f issiparous f orces and strengthen the f orces ofUnity. " 22 It is notable that in course of time such a view was abandoned by the CPI(M) for sticking to power. The CPI had long since rejected the right of secession of the nationalities in India and the CPI(M) too followed suit from its very advent. The Election Manifesto of the CPI(M) for the 4th General elections spoke much against foreign capital, landlords, Indian capitalists, with anti- Congress thunder and onslaught against other parties like the Jana Sangh and Swatantra. It demanded, "immediate distribution ofthe hundred million acres of uncultivated land among the agricultural workers and poor peasants and their distribution gratis among agricultural workers and peasants... " 23 In the revolutionary situation the revisionist CPI(M) instead of leading revolutionary struggles held out the programme of formation of Non- Congress Ministries. A.K. Gopalan, and Jagjit Singh Lyallpuri, president and general secretary respectively of the peasant front AIKS, issued the Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience 1 1 AIKS, issued the statement asking the Non-Congress Ministries formed after the elections "to redress the grievances ofthe peasants. " 24 It is curious to note that in this crisis situation the World Bank dictated and the then Prime Minister dished out the policy of the Green Revolution. In similar fashion the Indian revisionists the CPI, CPI(M), etc. gave a call for non-Congress ministries as vehicles of redressing the pent-up grievances of the Indian people against the system controlled by the landlords, comprador big bourgeoisie and their henchmen. True to its party programme, the CPI(M) leadership while using jargons like preparation for partisan war, militant struggle, etc. tried to put in all its efforts to stem the tide of mass upsurge, and to chanellise it towards establishing non-Congress ministries. The united fronts with the CPI(M) as a major force in West Bengal and Kerala soon set the example of providing "relief" within the man-eating state system. This was the line of Khrushchev in the USSR and various hues of social democrats deceiving the people with the programme of gradual change, utilizing the state machinery. Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience 1 2 Naxalbari and the CPM The Naxalbari upsurge of thousands of peasants with the support of tea garden workers remains as a thunderous blow to the revisionist model of the parliamentary way to solving the burning issues of the people and gradually moving peacefully towards a socialist system. The Naxalbari upsurge burst forth when Mr. Jyoti Basu was the Dy. Chief minister of the West Bengal United Front government. The CPI(M) and the CPI in the ministry cast aside the veil of Marxism by sending troops to put down the militant peasants and killed many women and children. The Naxalbari struggles emerged on the Indian political scene as an alternative path to the revisionist United Front Government. Let us refer to the jitters of the CPI(M) and the CPI soon after the Naxalbari upheaval. Immediately after the Naxalbari incident the West Bengal State Committee tried to pacify the discontent of the party members with the following statement: People’s Democracy editorial commented on June 4, 1 967 that, ". . . . As W est Bengal State Committee’s Statement points out, the question at Naxalbari was not a law and order question, it was a question oftaking away the lands illegally occupied by jotedars and distributing them among the land hungry peasants. . . " Again the People’s Democracy on June 25, 1 967 published the indignant expression of the Polit Bureau of the CPI(M). It said, "The Polit Bureau resolution at the same time sharply attacks the other deviations. Lef t sectazrian adventurist deviation – which in places like W est Bengal is playing into the hands ofextreme reactionaries who seek to disrupt the united f ront and restore Congress rule over the State... " The haunting fear of the CPI(M) leadership to dismiss any struggle with the refrain that this might dislodge the UF or LF government has been heard since it assumed power in some states since 1 967. It is note worthy that Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience 1 3 landlords and jotedars. " What a bizarre argument to bail out the CPI(M), a direct party in the butchery of the struggling peasants of Naxalbari! Then the CPI(M) top gun, B. T. Randive trotted out his die-hard revisionist argument to justify, in an exaggerated way, the power of the state and the poor condition of the people to go in for any revolutionary struggle. Randive announced: "... The election results have shown the growing shif t ofthe masses as well as the f act that in spite of its def eat, except in Kerala and T amilnadu, the Congress continues to be the biggest single party. Besides, our dissidents at least are aware that a substantial part ofthe anti-Congress vote — vote ofpartics ofthe Right as well as some ofthe so-called Lef t parties — PSP , SSP , etc. is not a vote against the Congress Government ... Theref ore, notwithstanding the big mass battles bef ore the elections, especially in W est Bengal, the inf luence of the classes controlling the State, and parties representing the classes is considerable. " 24a What a dangerous revisionist argument solely considering the vote earned by Randive’s so-called left parties to reject outright the scope for launching armed peasant struggle in India. Thus Randive squarely accepted the fact and which the CPI(M) like revisionists learnt from Khrushchev – that gaining a majority in the parliament or legislative bodies will automatically bring about a revolutionary situation for the change of the system. What a dangerous revisionist argument solely considering the vote earned by Randive’s so-called left parties to reject outright the scope for launching armed peasant struggle in India. Thus Randive squarely accepted the fact and which the CPI(M) like revisionists learnt from Khrushchev – that gaining a majority in the parliament or legislative bodies will automatically bring about a revolutionary situation for the change of the system. Panchayat is at best carrier of bureaucracy. Through his practical experience 13 panchayats since 1978 CPM leader Mantu Sheikh thinks "Initially we Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience 1 4 had no power, yet the people in government administration were afraid of us. Now panchayats have possessed much power, but the administration no longer fears the elected panchayat candidates. As a result the village development and the whole activity of leading Panchayats is tied to the government red tape." He cited examples of the visit of District Magistrate and other high officials and many a good proposal coming from them. But nothing useful came up. If anything is stated they suggest writing applications. Once Birbhum emerged prominently for ‘operation barga’..... But now examples of failure are on the increase. Now for the failure to provide the expenses many of them mortgage bargadari to turn into wage labourers. The condition is same for many landless who received patta for lands during ‘Left’ rule. In the name of land reforms, in order to please so many people the CPM distributed khas lands to the landless, 10-12 cottah per head. The land distribution per head is so meagre, as also thinks the state Land Revenue Minister Rejjak Mollah, that on many plots ploughing is tough. Many of the patta recipients are mortgaging their pattas. It is illegal so it is not found in government documents." The CPM leader Mantu Sheikh himself said, that in the villages the Advisis could not retain the pattas they received" (Anand Bazar Patrika, 11 May 2003) The experience since 1 967 is a telling commentary on the waning of genuine mass base of the CPI(M) even for militant economic struggle in West Bengal, Tripura, etc. but this party retained its ministry more than 25 years in West Bengal utilizing all anti-Marxist, unethical means as well as by capitalizing on the rivalry between the ruling class parties. And, a more important reason, is that the ruling classes allow the CPI(M) to rule undisturbed, to serve their best interests. Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience 1 5 Now we refer to the rightist CPI position on the Naxalbari struggle: In a statement Bhowani Sen, secretary of the CPI, West Bengal state Council demanded a judicial enquiry into the event. In a diluted criticism he added: "But unf ortunately excess sometimes committed by those who have been conducting the movement is also doing more harm than good to the share- croppers who have legitimate grievances. All the parties of the United Front generally admit this. The most deplorable aspect ofthe movement is the conf lict between landless sharecroppers and honest small owners. Such a conf lict is against the interest ofthe Kisan movement as whole. " 25 The tune of the CPI(M) and the CPI in decrying the militancy of the peasant and their revolutionary leaders was perfectly concordant. Rather what came prominently in the minds of the CPI(M) leaders was a deep fear of losing their legislative power in the growing tide of peasant militancy. Revisionists turned into reactionary killers after the Naxalbari uprising in India. Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience 1 6 Economism and Electoral Politics When the tide of the food movement swept the entire country and the wrath of the people was bursting out, the new party, CPI(M), tactfully channelised people’s discontent by placing the path of forming non- Congress governments in the states. There was no dearth of choicest words against the right revisionists or the Congress to project the CPI(M) as the leader of militancy. E.M.S. Namboodiripad as general secretary of the new party issued a statement in Trivandrum on 23 rd December 1 965. He appealed to all ‘Left opposition’ parties for united action "despite their dif f erences on questions ofbasic ideology. " The common denominator for such action, Nambaoodiripad declared, was that they all believed that the Congress Government was "Championing the interests of , and strengthening, the big landlords and monopoly capitalists ... " 26 The 4th General Election was round the corner and so the CPI(M) Central Committee oriented its entire thrust "On the General election." It took the resolution, pretty obviously not for boycotting it or weakening the state. The call was: "The reduction of the Congress party into a minority and the f ormation of alternative governments wherever possible" and "adjustment with opposition parties, so that the opposition votes may not get split and the def eat of the Congress party may be ensured in the maximum number ofconstituencies. " 27 It was a journey to the morass of parliamentarism that started particularly after the withdrawal of the Telengana uprising. Yet one will find many elements of left verbiage in the articulations of the CPI(M). E.M.S. Namboodiripad, the centrist having already tasted legislative power in Kerala tried to blow-up the differences with the CPI. He announced simultaneously to put to shame the rightist CPI and appease the leftist sections. Pointing an accusing finger to the right CPI programme and its resolutions he stated that, "their approach to the problem ofnational unity and democracy is nothing but tailism to the bourgeoisie. " 28