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Sport in Society ISSN: 1743-0437 (Print) 1743-0445 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fcss20 Cricket, Race and the 2007 World Cup Jon Gemmell To cite this article: Jon Gemmell (2007) Cricket, Race and the 2007 World Cup, Sport in Society, 10:1, 1-10, DOI: 10.1080/17430430600989068 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/17430430600989068 Published online: 19 Feb 2007. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 1161 View related articles Citing articles: 2 View citing articles Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=fcss20 Sport in Society Vol. 10, No. 1, January 2007, pp. 1–10 Cricket, Race and the 2007 World Cup Jon Gemmell Introduction As cricket evolves into a global sport, it has become increasingly associated with national identity. In a post-imperial age it is inevitable that race and ethnicity [1] would become building blocks in any cultural redevelopment of newly independent states. Imperialism had been justified on the grounds of civilizing underdeveloped cultures, which meant an acceptance of the crudest versions of Social Darwinism and the classification of groups of people according to colour of skin. Early international cricketing contests featured England, Australia, the United States, Canada and later South Africa. Despite genuine enthusiasm among local populations, the West Indies and India were only granted Test status once it proved beneficial to white authorities. Because of the link to the Commonwealth, cricketing discourse will always be held in the shadow of race. The subcontinent’s representation on the ICC is now four strong, and can usually rely on the West Indies and South Africa in any dispute with England and Australia. This is not at the expense of weakening the influence of the two oldest members of the sport’s governing body – evident when we consider that contemporary controversies such as hostile fast bowling, umpiring, ball-tampering and match-fixing have all carried racial undertones. Cricket, Race and the 2007 World Cup has been produced to address contemporary themes in the sport. Two initial assumptions have been made: firstly, that because cricket reflects the wider social environment in which it is played it will mirror the social inequalities that exist within that society. This collection of studies is primarily interested in racial differences and how they have been manipulated through cricket. Secondly, that cricket is entering into a new era that is revealed in many ways and reflects the decline of English influence on the world game. It is further shown in the rise of the one-day format, and ultimately the huge spectacle that is the World Cup. This new era is symbolized by the forces of commercialism, which are tearing up cricket’s old ethos and replacing it with a new set of values in which making money features more prominently than ‘the correct way to play’ and even the ‘right spirit’ of the game. What are the implications for established racial differences in the context of this new era? What has Jon Gemmell, Kennet School, Thatcham. Correspondence to: [email protected] ISSN 1743-0437 (print)/ISSN 1743-0445 (online)/07/010001-10 q 2007 Taylor & Francis DOI: 10.1080/17430430600989068 2 J. Gemmell been cricket’s contribution to racial tensions? Will they be alleviated in the neoliberal globalized world in which Mammon is all? To celebrate the 2007 World Cup a collection of writers has been assembled to contemplate these questions. Some have chosen a historical stance, others a sociological; emphasis has been on politics as well as economics, and behind each of these platforms lies an interest in race that provides the cohesive thread throughout the book. Each of the major first-class cricketing nations is represented, and all writers are experts in their field. A Not So Golden Age Stephen Wagg points out that it is assumed that ethnicity is something that only certain groups have. In England class was always considered the overriding factor in the shaping of identity. Cricket was carried to the colonies by the English middle class along with other cultural implements as part of a grand design to ‘civilize’ indigenous and slave populations. The whole basis of this cultural imperialism was that the so-called superior groups had something to share with those who were willing to benefit from what the West had to offer. Of course, the option to reject what was ultimately a distinct set of alien norms and values, designed principally to prepare a legal environment for trade and capitalism, was not part of the wider scheme. Social forces and economic conditions lie behind any construction and re- evaluation of norms and values, and this becomes evident when examining cricket in the major Test-playing countries. It is not, though, the intention of this introduction to provide a history of the socialization of racial inequality in cricket. Rather, as the motivation for publication is the World Cup, then it seems opportune to examine one or two incidents that have helped redefine cricket since the first World Cup in 1975. Despite Australia’s contemporary dominance of all forms of cricket, the period since the first World Cup has been one of the gradual improvement of the black teams. The West Indies dominated for a greater time than the current Australian side, furnishing the sport with an attacking armoury based on aggressive and fluent batting and a relentless four-pronged pace attack which showed no obvious sign of weakness. Their supporters in the Caribbean and in England provided colour and spectacle and graced the cricket match as an occasion. Yet the team was maligned for intimidatory bowling and its followers for making too much noise. If short-pitched violent fast-bowling caused a stir, the art of reverse swing had cricketing commentators baffled. That it seemed to originate from the subcontinent raised many suspicions. The fast-bowlers Sarfraz Nawaz and Imran Khan seemed to be able to get something out of an old ball that other pace bowlers did not. It was the tour to England in 1992, though, and the partnership of Wasim Akram and Waqar Younis that saw the art of reverse swing used most effectively. To commentators exaggerated swing with an old ball was something that didn’t happen, and therefore it could only happen if the ball had been tampered with. A Daily Mirror editorial argued that ‘the Pakistan team should be drummed out of England in disgrace’. [2] Cricket, Race and the 2007 World Cup 3 Michael Roberts suspects that the real reasons that Sri Lanka were so long denied first- class status was not the lack of decent ground facilities, but the white bloc on the ICC not wanting another ‘black’ member, especially as the cricket hierarchy was becoming increasingly divided over the question of South Africa [3] Sri Lanka’s victory in the 1996 World Cup did not warrant it more than a single Test in England in 1998 (only its second Test on English soil). ‘Much safer to ask the (still mainly white) South Africans to play a full series than the little brown men with the unpronounceable names’ pointed out a leader in The Guardian. ‘They are still not pronounced right. For the first time in memory, neither BBC radio nor television had a commentator from the visiting country. It was a symbol of our attitude towards Sri Lanka.’ [4] The last 30 years has seen the arrival of three new full members to the ICC. Sri Lanka and Zimbabwe have each experienced the consequences of racial tension on shaping their cricketing structures, while Bangladesh was born out of the schism with Pakistan. Commentators berate Bangladesh, yet ignore their cricketing pedigree. The Dacca stadium, for example, hosted the first ever home Test between Pakistan and India in 1955, and a number of internationals were later played there. However, no Bengali made the Pakistan side, and Shamya Dasgupta argues that this was because of prejudice against cricketers from East Pakistan. Despite evidence to the contrary, it was alleged that they were not strong or spirited enough to play cricket. Finally, any examination (no matter how brief) of race during the last 30 years has to emphasize South Africa. Its expulsion from international cricket hastened the first World Cup, for the South Africans were due to tour England in 1975. Their hurried return to the international fold in 1992 was seen by some as an attempt to control the balance of power on the ICC. The subcontinent was gradually providing the commercial influence, while England and Australia maintained the sense of tradition and value. The still-white South Africa was praised by the English press at a time when they were denouncing Pakistanis as cheats, Indians as sly and West Indians as brutal. At the meeting that approved South African membership, fines were imposed for slow over-rates, a measure designed to blunt any attack based on pace bowling: the West Indies provided the lone voice of opposition on both counts. The Contemporary Age When South Africa was readmitted in 1992, England and Australia, as founder members of the ICC, could veto any proposals they disapproved of; the (English) president of the MCC was automatically in charge of the ICC; and Lord’s provided the headquarters. Since then, the constitution has been amended to account for democracy, and the organization switched from Lord’s to Dubai – this for tax-avoidance reasons, but also perhaps a further measure of the administration’s global profile. In July 2006 Percy Sonn, who cut his teeth as an administrator for the anti-apartheid South African Cricket Board, became the first South African to become President of the ICC. Neoliberalism is the defining political economic paradigm of our time – it refers to the policies and processes by which a relative handful of private interests are 4 J. Gemmell permitted to control as much as possible of social life in order to maximize their personal profit. [5] It is global and has implications for politics, economic strategy and culture – i.e. our language, behaviour and entertainments. In an area such as cricket it has meant the power base realigning itself with the economic clout – India. Boria Majumdar makes the claim that having severed links with its colonial past, India has become the new cricketing authority. It has achieved this through the economic influence that it wields. In recent sponsorship deals, for example, the sports manufacturers Nike agreed to pay £25 million over five years to sponsor team clothing and shoes, while the main sponsors, airline company Sahara, are paying £40 million over four years. The amounts generated through television sponsorship dwarf anything else in the cricketing world. This muscle allowed the subcontinent to snatch the right to stage the next World Cup from under the noses of Australia and New Zealand. The West Indian Cricket Board’s (WICB) sponsorship deal with Digicel threatened to split the West Indies side asunder at the beginning of 2005. The WICB demanded of each squad member that they sign contracts preventing them from promoting rival companies to Digicel, and to forgo their current deals without compensation. A number of key players initially refused to sign contracts and absented themselves from the side. Other stirrings in the Caribbean have focused on the appointment of Brian Lara as the captain for the World Cup. But at least these have been made on cricketing grounds and concern the balance of youth and experience alongside the direction of the team. The selection of captain in the past was determined by skin colour and class, and was played out against a political backdrop in which the forces of colonialism and nationalism clashed. One of the most encouraging developments in international cricket has been the rapprochement between India and Pakistan. Kausik Bandyopadhyay shows how the 2004 tour by India was used to illustrate a positive side of Pakistan. Propaganda strategies designed to dehumanize ‘others’ were broken down through the playing of cricket. The Indian High Commissioner had remarked that ‘20,000 Indian fans had gone back to India acting as Pakistan’s ambassadors’. Bandyopadhyay also associates these changing attitudes with a renaissance in Pakistani cricket which is moving away from the ‘Oxbridge syndrome’ of captaincy determined by social background to home-grown leaders such as Inzaman-ul-Haq, Rashid Latif and Moin Khan, showing how cricket has triumphed as the great leveller in Pakistani society. The examples of captaincy in the Caribbean and in Pakistan highlight a greater emphasis on success than on tradition and the right leadership. In theory, if all succumbs to the lure of Mammon then there should be little place for internal divisions. The colour of one’s skin should not stand in the way of individual progress if this affects the need to generate wealth. However, an examination of contemporary cricket suggests that while things may have improved, the question of race still haunts the sport. This is partly because cricket is not an inclusive sport, and attitudes to it have been shaped by historical social forces that will be difficult to overcome. Cricket, Race and the 2007 World Cup 5 Exclusion The longevity of social exclusion varies between nations, and with some it is so established that it is taken for granted. While comprising about ten per cent of the population, for example, Maoris have contributed no more than ten first-class cricketers prior to the 1990s. It is a similar story with the Aborigines, who were almost eradicated from their homeland. Greg Ryan’s study looks at why Maoris didn’t take to cricket considering that indigenous sports and pastimes were discouraged. Of those that did play before 1914, almost all can be traced to elite schools, highlighting the links between cricket, race and class. Class is a theme that runs through a number of the studies gathered here. The cricketing Tamils of the early twentieth century were mainly those who lived in Colombo and attended elite educational institutions. With an emphasis on speaking English and developing the ‘right’ lifestyle, a middle-class consciousness overrode racial tensions with the Sinhalese majority. An examination of the period 1928 to 1957 concludes that whites were given leadership functions as both administrators and captains of the West Indian team. It was important for the right person to fill the elite role, and so one’s background helped determine life chances. Gerry Alexander, the mixed-race Cambridge graduate, was chosen over Frank Worrell, the nationalists’ choice for captain in 1959. His selection is viewed in the context of a white ruling class seeking alliances with the lighter-skinned population (the ‘white’, ‘red’ and ‘black’). Alexander’s selection was seen as a betrayal as it blocked popular aspirations, ensuring that he will be remembered as the last white captain of the West Indies rather than the first black one. Contemporary exclusion from the cricket field tends to mirror exclusion from economic life as well. This is seen today in the incomes of Maori and Pacifics compared to white adult men in New Zealand; in the differences between indigenous populations in Australia and white settlers; and between a large mass of poor South African blacks and the prosperous whites from which most cricketers are still recruited. The former Pakistani all-rounder Imran Khan has argued that local British Asians would only become involved in the county set-ups once ‘they felt assimilated into the local society, which is not always the case’. [6] In reality, the UK has a club structure that is segregated. Many British Asians prefer to compete within their own leagues, avoiding the traditional ‘sociable and soft’ local leagues, with their culture of socializing with alcohol after contests. [7] Yet they are criticized when this sense of alienation results in support for India, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka over the land of their birth. But what of the second-generation Australians and South Africans who root for the team of their parent’s birth? The criticism is more to do with conforming to an expected way of life, one that is under strain and struggling to assert itself in multi-cultural England. In both South Africa and Zimbabwe the question of the racial composition of the national sides has dominated cricketing discourse. Targets have been negotiated between sporting and political authorities, as sport is seen as an important contributor 6 J. Gemmell to creating a national identity and thereby assisting social cohesion. Ryan’s study further suggests that a lack of role models hinders the development of cricket within some communities, and this is an argument that has been used to explain the lack of young black South Africans taking up the sport. In contrast, Bandyopadhyay notes that the sources of fast bowling in Pakistan are partly due to so many role models. Nationalism thrives on exclusion. It is an attempt to establish and develop a set of ideas with identity at the heart based on perceptions of characteristics that apply to the group, be they racial, regional, national or tribal. It prospers when different layers of society feel excluded. As an industrial proletariat and labouring peasantry will already be marginalized by social rank, and may seek class rather than national consciousness, it is more likely to be the middle class in which nationalist awareness evolves. Roberts carefully outlines the social class structure in Ceylon before moving on to a discussion on racism, which compromised early cultural links between the colonial elite and an emerging Ceylonese middle class. Nationalism is a diverse political theory, as most states comprise more than one racial group or strong region. Once you get past the anthem, flag and symbols of the state, there are many competing needs, and ‘national interest’ becomes subjective and something to be manipulated by politicians. Nationalism can also throw up its own sense of grievance and exclusion. The 1956 ‘revolution’ in Ceylon swept away English privileges, but replaced them with a divisive rhetoric of ‘Sinhala only’ policies, which led to the alienation of Tamils. As a result, Tamils in Colombo were discouraged from playing sport either out of protest or because their parents pressured them into academic study in order to better themselves. The election of the Bharatiya Janata Party in India established a political identity between ‘Hindu’ and ‘India’. The naming of Mohammed Azharuddin in the betting scandal conferred to many that he – and, by association, Muslims – could not be proper Indians. Finally, despite a large Hindu population in Pakistan, the leg-spin bowler Danish Kaneria is only the second Hindu to play for his country; the first had been his maternal uncle Anil Dalpat, who played a couple of games as wicketkeeper in the 1980s. Racism Exclusion can be social, economic and political; it can also be a feature of racism. We have to consider that norms and values are not created in a vacuum but are shaped and influenced by the social worlds in which we reside. Looking for an explanation for why there are so few Maoris who play cricket, Martin Crowe, an ex-New Zealand captain, argued in 2003 that it was because ‘they don’t have the patience or temperament to play through a whole day, leave alone a Test match’. [8] This is playing on false stereotypes similar to those that have been applied against Aborigine cricketers. More blatant was the Australian Darren Lehmann’s reference in the same year to Sri Lankans as ‘black cunts’. This is not the first reference of this kind. In 1989 the batsman Rumesh Ratnayake ran into Australian fast bowler Greg Campbell who, it is alleged, called the Sri Lankan ‘a black cunt’. [9] Jimmy Maher, who came to the defence of Darren Cricket, Race and the 2007 World Cup 7 Lehmann, once told a television audience that he was ‘as full as a coon’s Valiant’ following his team’s victory celebrations. [10] This brings us to the language we deploy, and the question of determining what is offensive. Our tolerance levels are influenced by our social worlds; there were many who even defended Lehmann for his comments. By describing a player as non-white we are assuming ‘white’ as the pre-existing norm. We read and hear of the ‘coloured’ Herschelle Gibbs, the ‘black’ or ‘African’ Makhaya Ntini, yet ‘the all-rounder’ Shaun Pollock – never the ‘white’. Similarly, when we talk of the West Indian batsman who possess ‘natural flair’ in comparison to the ‘dogged’ Englishman, are we not reiterating old ‘scientific’ racist notions of ‘natural’ ability? What of our actions? The subcontinent attracts the worst excesses of the Western media. For Pakistan, it is convenient to lump its cricketers in with the Islamophobia that has dominated political discourse since 11 September 2001. An example of how this works was shown in the ICC Champions Trophy between Pakistan and Sri Lanka in 2002. Yousuf Youhana (now Mohammed Yousuf), at the time a Christian, was run out for 0 by Saeed Anwar, an outspoken critic of US intervention in Afghanistan. The ICC anti-corruption studied the incident for fear that reasons other than purely cricketing ones were to blame. [11] The prominent Indian administrator Jagmohan Dalmiya has been viewed with suspicion, and painted in the Western media as a villain. He was quite open about wresting control away from its traditional power base and giving a greater say to India. Dalmiya also pushed for Bangladesh’s full membership of the ICC in order to bolster the Asian bloc. Bangladesh made an impressive start to Test cricket, scoring 400 against India in their first innings – although they were bowled out for only 91 in the second and lost by nine wickets. When commentators talk of Bangladeshi cricket the conversation inevitably returns to standards and the prospect of a two-tier system. Yet rare are the comparisons with New Zealand who took 45 attempts to win a Test, and Dasgupta questions why there was no mention of a two-tier system when England were at the foot of the ICC table. The Commercial World Cup Majumdar argues that the World Cup assumes the significance of a national religion in India, providing an opportunity for the nation to display its talents on a world stage. Sometimes this attention is not wanted. Trevor Chesterfield reminds us that as the spotlight fell on the 2003 World Cup, journalists turned their attentions to what was happening in one of the home sides, Zimbabwe. The World Cup is also a huge business venture and economic opportunity. The last World Cup raised profits of R400 million, with the South African Department of Sport estimating a further R2 billion generated through increased economic activity, and R1 billion from the impact of foreign spend in the country. [12] The 2007 World Cup will be the largest single sporting event ever held in the Caribbean. Tourism, sponsorship and the sale of intellectual property 8 J. Gemmell rights are expected to raise over half a billion dollars, and other World Cup-related activity could bring in much more. But who prospers – the interests of commercial sponsors or cricket? Surely cricket needs to expand if it is to thrive as a world sport in the twenty-first century? This means that it also has to become more inclusive, and appeal to groups whom this book shows are being left out. The professional attitude of today has helped shift cricket away from its old elitist ethos, though it is doubtful that commercialism can take any credit for this. Bandyopadhyay attributes some of the measures to aid professionalism, such as neutral umpires and the manager, to Pakistan with the idea of further democratizing the ICC. True, emphasis today is on winning rather than taking part, and so there can be no selection based on sentiment, but this does not mean, of course, that a levelling-up process is taking place in each of the nations that play cricket. For that would require not only political reform, but social and economic change as well, not necessarily the primary concern of the huge corporations pumping money into the sport. An emphasis on winning can have unpleasant side-effects. Roberts contrasts the support of Australia for Sri Lankan cricket in comparison to England who only granted them one-Test tours until 2002. However, relations have soured due to the Australian ultra-competitive nature, evident in sharp practices such as abusive and aggressive ‘sledging’. There may have been commercial pressures on the Indian and Pakistani regimes to resume cricketing relations, but at the same time these commercial forces seek to blow the rivalry out of all proportion. Sharda Ugra has written of how networks have promoted cricket series involving India as Badla (‘revenge’), Qayamat (‘judgement day’) and Sarfarosh (‘ready to be martyred’). Bowlers have been shown hurling balls of fire, batsmen facing firing machine guns, and fielders leaping over burning tyres to get the ball. [13] Strong pressure to win is not as great as that not to lose, and in India-vs.-Pakistan contests this can lead to conservative cricket on unresponsive pitches. Any contest in the World Cup, argues Bandyopadhyay, cannot be isolated from political overtones. The maximization of income can stand in the way of expanding the World Cup. Despite the logical increase to 16 teams for 2007, the fear from many is that there will be too many dead games – this despite the fact that in the first round of group stages teams will play no more than three games. This also forgets the heroics of players such as Canada’s John Davidson and Namibia’s Andries (Jan-Berrie) Burger in 2003, let alone the achievement of Kenya in reaching the semi-finals. [14] Binoy Kampmark defends the smaller teams in his study, and asks whether it is too many weak sides that are the problem or that too many dead games don’t attract the TV cameras and the commercial endorsements. This is putting the interests of the corporation first, and is further shown by the ambush clause which restricts what and with whom players can advertise. One is left questioning who the beneficiaries are from this ever-increasing presence of big business. Not the players. Tim May, the chief executive of the Federation of International Cricketers’ Associations (FICA), has argued that ‘the ICC has sold your images to the sponsors without permission. You don’t want a situation where a player is standing next to Pepsi and endorsing it for free. He needs to be paid for the personal endorsement’. [15] Cricket, Race and the 2007 World Cup 9 The earlier definition of neoliberalism spoke of how a handful of private interests strive to control social life in the pursuit of profit. This inevitably infringes on the personal freedoms of the individual. Spectators are now restricted by what they can eat and drink at grounds, having to satisfy the whims of the sponsors. A supporter at the game between Australia and India at Pretoria in World Cup 2003 was ejected from the ground for opening a can of Coca-Cola. Spectators were even warned that they could face ejection from the grounds if they were wearing logos promoting rival brands. As this collection will show, there remains plenty of ground to cover before cricket can stake a claim to being an inclusive pursuit. In each of the major playing countries there are groups who feel they are being excluded from the higher echelons of the sport on the basis of region, religion or race. This also has to be considered in the context of social class, and these barriers require the attentions of a further volume alone. Occasionally the authorities acknowledge that there is still work to be done. At the end of 2004 FICA called on the ICC to be more aggressive in its attempts to weed out racism in cricket, [16] while Percy Sonn in his first speech as the president of the ICC said that ‘we must not let [commercialism] dominate the landscape or lose sight of what this great game is all about’. [17] Notes [1] In the social sciences it is widely assumed that the term ‘race’ refers to physical characteristics and the term ‘ethnicity’ to cultural qualities. Therefore, the emphasis has been on a shift towards ethnicity when analysing different groups within a society as well as between societies. However, it is also acknowledged that the term ‘race’ is used by people to describe themselves, and that a better understanding is achieved if we stick to using ‘black’ and ‘white’. In South Africa, for example, we tend to look at four groups: ‘black’, ‘white’, ‘coloured’ and ‘Indian’. Neither of them is particularly accurate, but they are used and understood. They are also called races. Therefore, I have adopted the term race rather than ethnicity if only to make life easier. In reality the terms tend to be interchangeable, and of course I hope to avoid any offence. [2] Daily Mirror, 26 Aug. 1992. Quoted in Searle, Pitch of Life, 24. [3] South Africa had been effectively barred from international cricket since 1970, and calls for its readmission tended to divide the ICC by colour. [4] ‘Test Defeat: When will we Learn?’ Leader, The Guardian, 1 Sept. 1998. [5] Mcchesney, ‘Noam Chomsky and the Struggle against Neoliberalism’. [6] Paul Weaver, ‘England Slammed over Test Ticket Flop’, The Guardian, 30 May 2001. [7] Engel, ‘Notes by the Editor’, 14. [8] ‘Newsregister’, Wisden Cricket Monthly, March 2003, 15. [9] Fraser, Cricket and the Law, 290. [10] Ryan, ‘When will we see c Nguyen b Yunupingu?’, 23. [11] David Hopps, ‘Run-out Triggers Red-Alert’, The Guardian, 17 Sept. 2002. [12] Hartman, Ali: The Life of Ali Bacher, 406. [13] Ugra, ‘Play Together, Live Apart’, 86. [14] Davidson set a record for the fastest World Cup 100 (67 balls) against the West Indies, and Burger scored 85 in 86 balls against England. [15] David Hopps, ‘Players unite to take on the ICC’, The Guardian, 21 Sept. 2002. [16] ‘Get Aggressive on Racism’, The Wisden Cricketer, January 2005, 17. [17] ‘Sonn: “We Must Not Let Commercialism Dominate”’, Cricinfo, 7 July 2006. available online at http://content-uk.cricinfo.com/ci/content/story/252626.html, accessed 17 July 2006. 10 J. Gemmell References Engel, Matthew. “Notes by the Editor.” Wisden Cricketers Almanack, 1999. Guildford: John Wisden, 1999. Fraser, David. Cricket and the Law: The Man in White is Always Right. London: Routledge, 2005. Hartman, Rodney. Ali: The Life of Ali Bacher. London: Penguin, 2004. Mcchesney, Robert W. “Noam Chomsky and the Struggle against Neoliberalism.” Monthly Review, April 1999. Available online at Questia, http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=5002316041, accessed 17 July 2006. Ryan, Chris. “When Will We See c Nguyen b Yunupingu?” Wisden Cricketers’ Almanack Australia 2003 – 04. South Yarra, Victoria: Hardie Grant, 2003. Searle, Chris. Pitch of Life. Manchester: Parrs Wood Press, 2001. Ugra, Sharda. “Play Together, Live Apart: Religion, Politics and Markets in Indian Cricket since 1947.” In Cricket and National Identity in the Postcolonial Age, edited by Stephen Wagg. London: Routledge, 2005.