Presentation of the protohistoric site of Althiburos (Tunisia), 10th – 5th centuries BC. Table of Contents 1. Introduction ................................ ................................ ........................... 3 2. Domestic Sphere ................................ ................................ .................... 4 2.1. Site Architecture ................................ ................................ .................... 4 2.2. Material Culture ................................ ................................ .................. 7 2.2.1. P ottery ................................ ................................ .......................... 7 2.2.2. Carpology and Anthracology ................................ .......................... 9 2.2.3. Archaeozoology ................................ ................................ .......... 10 2.2.4. Metallurgy ................................ ................................ .................. 11 3. Funerary World ................................ ................................ .................... 11 4. Conclusion ................................ ................................ ........................... 13 Bibliography ................................ ................................ .............................. 14 1. Introduction The ancient site of Althiburos (modern - day El Médéïna) is located in north - western Tunisia, approximately 215 km from the capital Tunis and less than 50 km from the Algerian border (fig. 1). The site lies roughly in the centre of the region known as the Ha ut - Tell, a transitional zone between the tr ue Tell — characterised by relatively high rainfall and marked fertility — and the drier steppe region. The area is bounded to the north by the Middle Medjerda River and to the south by the foothills of the Tunisi an Dorsale. We are here in a landscape with rugged relief, where mountain chains, high plateaus, and depressions alternate. These depressions delimit plains fed by a dense alluvial network. The climate of the region is continental Mediterranean, with harsh winters and mild summers (Kallala et al., 2011). Figure 1 : Map of northern Tunisia showing the location of the site of Althiburos/el Médéïna (© Unitat de Documentació Gràfica de l ’ ICAC). The site of Althiburos occupies a vast 28 - hectare plateau large ly delimited by the waters of Wadi Sidi Baraket and Wadi el Médéïna (fig. 2), giving it the shape of a naturally defended rocky spur 1 . The site is also surrounded by plains well - suited for large - scale cereal cultivation and livestock breeding. Rich iron de posits and limestone quarries are also present in the region and have been exploited since the Protohistoric period (Kallala et al., 2011). 1 This type of perched settlement also characterises many other protohistoric sites in North Africa (Mattingly, 2023). Figure 2 : Topographic map of a portion of the Althiburos valley. The site extends over the plateau delimited by t he two wadis mentioned above (after Kallala et al. 2017, fig. 1.7. © Unitat de Documentació Gràfica de l ’ ICAC). The excavations carried out on the site are exceptional in more than one respect. They led to the discovery of a protohistoric phase dating bac k to the 10th – 5 th centuries BC, which attests to the existence, at that time, of a fully sedentary population of farmers practising livestock breeding, arboriculture, and cereal cultivation. They also revealed remains of permanent architecture and ironwork ing as early as the 9th century BC. The appearance of this type of protohistoric settlement in the region is likely linked to the intensive agricultural exploitation of north - western Tunisia during t he 2nd millennium BC (Stambouli - Essassi et al., 2007; Kal lala et al., 2018), which itself may be connected to the hypothetical arrival of new populations from the central Mediterranean (Lucarini et al., 2020).Lacking sufficient archaeological documentation on the indigenous societies of the 1st millennium BC tha t would have allowed them to establish a regional chronology and periodisation, the excavation team led by N. Kallala and J. Sanmartí developed a site - specific periodisation. For the perio d of interest, it is defined by three phases dated by radiocarbon (C 14): the Early Numidian (NA) spanning the 10th to 8th centuries BC, subdivided into three sub - phases (NA1, NA2, and NA3); the Middle Numidian (NM) from the late 7th century BC to the 5th century BC; and finally the Late Numidian (NR) extending from the 4th century BC until the Augustan period (Kallala et al., 2011). 2. Domestic Sphere 2.1. Site Architecture The excavations directed by J. Sanmartí and N. Kallala in the area of the Capitol have revealed quadrangular structures consisting of rooms organised around open spaces (fig. 3) and possible apsidal structures. In addition, the constant refurbishment of th e floors supports the idea that these were settlements belonging to a sedentary population. Unlike other regions of the Maghreb 2 , the protohistoric architecture at the site is characterised by the extensive use of stone, particularly the local grey limestone. Permanent stone - built architecture is attested in all excavated sectors from the 10th – 9 th centuries BC onwards, although dre ssed stone is absent during this period except in exceptional cases. The walls, of substantial thickness (0.53 to 0.67 m) and often slightly curved, are built with rubble stones bonded with earth and constructed in series of juxtaposed sections (a techniqu e known as “ pans successifs accolés ” or successive adjoining panels). Dry - stone walls and mudbrick elevations (from NA3 onwards) are also attested. The discovery, in certain levels associated with these structures, of phytoliths from both wild and cultivat ed plants may indicate that the roofs were made of thatch, while post - holes suggest they were supported by wooden beams (Kallala et al., 2016). Figure 3 : Pans of walls dating to NA3 (8th century BC) discovered in excavation zone 2 of the Capitol area ( © Unitat de Documentació Gràfica de l ’ ICAC ). These structures from the 10th – 8 th centuries BC are therefore interpreted as domestic dwellings. This is notably supported by the discovery of hearths and ovens similar to the traditional “ tabounas ” still u sed by modern Tunisian populations (fig. 4). The domestic nature of these buildings is further confirmed by 2 Excavations carried out at Ceuta, Sidi Driss and Kach Kouch in Morocco (Bokbot 2015) have uncovered Bronze Age layers as well a s deposits from the first centuries of the 1st millennium BC, in which settlements built with perishable materials (elliptical huts) have been identified. the discovery of crushed vessels in situ and 16 fragments of possible loom weights (Kallala et al., 2011). Figure 4 : View of a “ tabouna ” currently in use in the countryside near Souidat (region of El Kef). This type of traditional cooking oven is very similar to the hearths discovered in the domestic structures at Althiburos (photo : Ramón Álvarez © Unitat de Documentació Gràfica de l ’ ICA C). The systematic orientation of these structures from the Middle Numidian (NM) period onwards suggests the existence of urban planning as early as NA3 (8th century BC), which formed a network of streets whose orientation was dictated by the local topogr aphy (Kallala et al., 2016).According to J. Sanmartí, the architectural features discovered at the site do not indicate a genuinely urban settlement, but rather a large hamlet or village. However, he does not rule out the possibility that the population wa s quite substantial and spread across several small villages along the valley. Nevertheless, the site acquired a truly urban character from the Late Numidian period (NR), around the late 5th or early 4th century BC, when the Capitol area developed into a d ense urban nucleus delimited by a rampart dated to the 4th century BC. The construction of this wall may be linked to internal instability or Carthaginian expansionism (Sanmartí et al., 2020).At the end of the 7th century BC, after a hiatus of several deca des whose cause remains uncertain (flooding?), the site was reorganised architecturally. From this point onwards, the walls are more rectilinear and more solidly built, though thinner than those of the Early Numidian (NA) period (Kallala et al., 2016). It is also during this period that a bi - apsidal cistern of Punic origin appears for the first time (fig. 5), with contemporary parallels known at Carthage (Sanmartí et al., 2012). New construction techniques also emerge, such as the use of lime plaster, paved floors, and mudbricks, which likely reflect increased exchanges with the Punic world during this period (Kallala et al., 2016; Ben Akacha, 2021). Figure 5 : Bi - apsidal cistern of Punic type from the Middle Numidian period (7th – 5 th centuries BC). It is si milar to those discovered in the Ibn Chabâat Street sector at Carthage, which are dated to the same period ( photo : Ramón Álvarez © Unitat de Documentació Gràfica de l ’ ICAC). Nevertheless, the site as a whole remains little influenced by the Punic world, and the indigenous substrate remains predominant in all aspects of the site. Thus, there is an absence of Phoenician construction techniques such as opus africanum, fired brick s, ashlar blocks, etc. It therefore seems that these influences were limited to a few very specific aspects. Indeed, in many cases these consist only of repairs or the reuse of Early Numidian (NA) walls, and the same construction techniques as in the previ ous period were used for new buildings (Kallala et al., 2016).Finally, surveys conducted in the periphery of the site have led to the identification of settlement sites with both military and agricultural functions. These surveys, together with those of th e site itself, allow us to estimate the surface area occupied by the site during the late protohistoric period. It must have extended over 7 to 8 hectares and possessed a fairly extensive and densely populated territory (Ben Akacha, 2021). 2.2. Material Culture 2 2 1. Pottery Regarding the pottery from the NA and NM phases (10th – 5 th centuries BC), it consists predominantly of locally handmade wares, with imports 3 accounting for only 0.5% of the total number of sherds. Analysis of the indigenous handmade pottery allows several categories to be distinguished based on surface treatment. The finest examples are covered with a red or white slip of varying quality, or s imply have a burnished surface. However, these more carefully finished productions represent only 13% of the total pottery from this period; the remainder received only simple smoothing. Overall, this pottery is devoid of decoration, except for a few sherd s that show rare painted decoration in red or black (fig. 6), and especially incised or grooved decoration reminiscent of European Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age productions. A few sherds of wheel - turned pottery linked to the earliest experiments in so uthern Italy at the end of the 2nd millennium BC were also found (Sanmartí et al., 2012). Figure 6 : Handmade pottery sherds with painted decoration spanning the 10th to 2nd centuries BC (© Ramón Álvarez ). An important point to highlight is the continuous production of this handmade pottery throughout the Numidian periods, which shows no major typological evolution in either forms or decoration until the Augustan era. This observation implies a clear persistence of craft traditions, which, accord ing to the excavation directors, reflects a continuity of occupation justifying the use of the term “ Numidian ” for these periods (Kallala et al., 2011). Indeed, in Greco - Latin literature, the Numidians traditionally referred to the indigenous populations l iving west of the Carthaginian domain and east of the Mauritanian kingdom (Camps, 1960). Finally, Phoenician pottery imports were so scarce that they do not adequately reflect the importance of certain Punic influences. This situation seems to indicate tha t imports were primarily intended for the 3 The first Phoenician imports appear in NA3. This is evidenced by the discovery of a fragment of a carinated red - slipped plate and a possible fragment of a red - slipped jug in the upper levels of this sub - phase, which allow it to be dated to the 8th century BC (Kallala et al., 2011). site ’ s elite. These were likely luxury products mainly related to the consumption of wine and foodstuffs characteristic of the Phoenico - Punic world (Kallala et al., 2011). 2 2 2. Carpolog y and A nthracolog y Carpological and anthracological studies show a clear predominance of cultivated species (82.1% of the remains) as early as the 10th century BC, particularly long - cycle cereals such as hulled barley and durum wheat. Legumes such as lentils, peas, and broad beans were also cultivated (fig. 7). These can be grown in gardens or on non - irrigated land, possibly indicating the establishment of crop rotation and the use of fallow land at this time. These crops were supplemented by the gathering of wild fruits such as mastic and jujube (Kallala et al., 2016). Figure 7 : Proportions of cultivated, wild and other plants at the site (1) and proportions of cultivated plant types (2). Cultivated plants, and particularly cereals, constitute the majority of plant remains discovered on the site ( Kallala et al. 2016 , fig. 16.16 © Unitat de Documentació Gràfica de l ’ ICAC) Grape pips from cultivated vines also indicate that viticulture was practised on the site from NA1, thus predating the first contacts with the Phoenicians. The delayed return of this type of cultivation (the vine does not bear fruit for 5 to 6 years) further implies that the population was fully sedentary (Sanmartí et al., 2012). The same analyses also demonstrated that figs were cultivated and possibly watermelon as well. The cultivation of pomegranate appears in NA2, probably linked to the arrival of the Phoenicians, who also likely introduced the olive tree (Kallala et al., 2016). Finally, flax is attested from NA2 and appears to have been used for textile production and oil (Kallala et al., 2011; Kallala et al. , 2016). In NA1 (10th century BC), charcoal was mainly from pine and wild olive. The analyses show that Aleppo pines replaced oak forests, suggesting the existence of a dry Mediterranean forest at that time, resulting from significant human pressure on the environment. It is therefore likely that the region was already subject to intensive agricultural exploitation from the 2nd millennium BC (Sanmartí et al., 2020). These results can also be compared with palynological studies carried out in the Aïn Draham region (north - west Tunisia), which demonstrate a decline in oak forests linked to major clearing and increasing aridity during the 2nd millennium BC (Stambouli - Essassi et al., 2007). In addition, the study of microfossil assemblages from animal dung shows that in the 10th century BC, fodder came from agricultural by - products (chaff, straw, barley, etc.), reflecting an expansion of cereal cultivation. The association of phytoliths and spherulites in hearths also indicates that domestic animal dung and agricu ltural by - products were used as fuel (Sanmartí et al., 2020). 2 2 3. Arch ae ozoolog y The earliest layers of the site have also shown that its inhabitants raised cattle, goats, sheep, and pigs — a diversified pastoral production model typical of sedentary or semi - sedentary populations. The excavations also show that they occasionally hunted rabbit and wild deer. From the 9th century BC onwards, some cattle bones exhibit arthritic pathologies suggesting that these animals were also used as draught animals in the fields (Kallala et al., 2011). A notable fact is the significant increase in pork consumption during the NA and NM periods, likely the result of demographic growth. Pigs require fewer resources than the other species mentioned. This population growth and its impact explain why, from NA3 (8th century BC) onwards, the consumption of ovic aprids increased at the expense of cattle (fig. 8). The former adapt more easily to poorer and drier pastures (Sanmartí et al., 2020). A genetic study carried out on domestic cattle bones from the site dated to the 9th – 1 st centuries BC shows that the cattl e of Althiburos were genetically close to Epipalaeolithic Moroccan aurochs and, to a lesser extent, to West African N ’ dama cattle. The analyses indicate that Althiburos cattle share a common genetic heritage with these two subspecies. The study concludes t hat there was either possible hybridisation involving a local aurochs species and a domesticated species from the Fertile Crescent, or a possible independent domestication of the species in the region (Ginja et al., 2023). Figure 8 : evolution of the proportion of cattle and ovicaprids during the different occupation phases of the site. There is a decline in the number of cattle during the Early Numidian period and a gradual increase in the number of sheep and goats during the same period, reaching a p eak at the beginning of the Early Roman Empire ( Sanmartí et al. 2020, fig. 11.10 © Unitat de Documentació Gràfica de l ’ ICAC). 2.2 4. M etallurgy Iron slag has been discovered in several levels dating back to the 8th century BC (NA3) and the Middle Numidian period (late 7th – 5 th centuries BC). The oldest dates to the late 9th century BC, although it could be a very early Phoenician import. It is not currently possible to determine whet her these are remains of smithing or smelting, which would help est ablish whether the slag results from local iron production — a plausible hypothesis given the presence of significant iron deposits in t he region. Installations associated with this production have not yet been identified, but some finds suggest that it co uld have taken place both inside dwellings and in open areas away from buildings (Kallala et al., 2011). Moreover, it is possible that from the 8th century onwards, the production of iron tools allowed more efficient exploitation of the land and an expansi on of cultivated areas, leading to demographic growth and the emergence of a rural and merchant aristocracy (Sanmartí et al., 2020). 3. Funerary World To the southeast of the site lies the Ksour massif, whose western and southwestern slopes host a vast necropolis containing more than a thousand burials. For the period of interest, it is characterised primarily by dolmenic tombs, particularly those of the so - called “ with sleeve ” (“ à manchon ”) and “ on base ” (“ sur socle ”) types (Camps, 1961), which are typical of the interior regions of eastern Maghreb (fig. 9) 4 . The former consist of dolmens surrounded by an enclosure made of large blocks rising to the height of the capstone, with the space in betw een filled with rubble and occasionally covered by regular paving. The latter are characterised by supports concealed by the construction of a base. It should be noted that quadrangular - plan dolmens are found exclusively to the southwest of Althiburos on D jebel Ayata, which may be explained by the particular importance of this area for a specific segment of the region ’ s population (Kallala et al., 2017). 4 In recent publications, the authors prefer the term “ dolmens with zenithal access, ” themselves subdivided into four subtypes: “ dolmens with quadrangular enclosure (type 2.2.4.1.1); twin dolmens with rectangular enclosure (typ e 2.2.4.1.2); dolmens with simple circular enclosure (type 2.2.4.2.1); and dolmens with double circular enclosure (type 2.2.4.2.2)” (see especially Kallala et al. 2017). Figure 9 : Plans and sections of “ dolmens à manchons ” (A) and “ dolmens sur socle ” (B) from Numidian necropolises in eastern Algeria (after Camps 1961, fig. 29, 31, 34, 35 and 36). A team led by J. Sanmartí excavated five protohistoric burials (Kallala et al., 2017) in order to refine their chronology. This excavation demonstrated that the funerary chamb ers were not covered by a tumulus, but were in fact small, typically Numidian dolmens (Camps, 1964). These dolmens are characterised by funerary chambers delimited by large slabs set on edge in foundation trenches. The floor of the sepulchre consists of ir regular limestone paving. Some walls show a different construction using small irregular rubble stones — a frequent architectural feature of Numidian dolmens (Camps, 1961). Another remarkable aspect is the significant variation in dimensions, quality of co nstruction, number of depositions, and funerary ritual. Some burials are of impressive size, such as burial 53 (13 m in diameter; fig. 10), while most are of modest dimensions 5 . Burial 53 also stands out for its more careful construction and the addition o f two “ antennae, ” whose exact function remains unclear but which nevertheless suggest a more complex funerary ritual. Furthermore, the funerary chamber contained the remains of 15 individuals, in contrast to the other tombs which held fewer individuals. Th e space between the funerary chamber and the circular enclosure also contained a significant number of pottery sherds, indicating ritual activity associated with the monument. These differences suggest the existence of a social elite during the protohistor ic period (Kallala et al., 2017; Sanmartí et al., 2020). 5 Only 2% of the burials have a diameter exceeding 12 m, with the average lying aroun d 5 – 5.9 m (Kallala et al. 2014). Figure 10 : Plan of funerary monument 53 before and during excavation. The walls MR612012 and MR 610003 appear to form antennae associated with the monument (© Unitat de Documentació Gràfica de l ’ ICAC). The grave goods consist of handmade pottery productions also found in other Numidian dolmenic burials, qualified as “ microceramics ” due to their small size (Camps, 1961). They were likely used as funerary offerings (Kallala et al., 2011; Kallala et al., 2016). The slow typological evolution of these productions does not allow precise dating. The excavation of three other protohistoric burials yielded radiocarbon dates that place the construction of these tombs between the 8th and 5th centuries BC (Kallala et al., 2014). With regard to funerary rites, and as observed in necropolises in eastern Algeria, the excavations allow us to conclude that bodies were first defleshed on exposure platforms before certain remains were selected, which explains the limited number of bones found in the burials. The offerings accompanying the pottery included remains of horses, goats, sheep, and birds. In addition, some remains appear to ha ve been recovered and kept in dwellings, possibly in connection with an ancestor cult (Kallala et al., 2014). 4. Conclusion These excavations allow us to understand that, during the first half of the 1st millennium BC, the site of Althiburos was occupied by a fully sedentary population practising intensive agriculture and raising the domestic animal species common in the Medite rranean world. They have also demonstrated that its inhabitants were familiar with iron metallurgy from as early as the 9th century BC. This metallurgy may in turn have enabled an intensification of agricultural exploitation, which itself led to demographi c growth reflected in the excavation results.Palaeoenvironmental data further confirm that during the Early Numidian period, and particularly from the 8th century BC onwards, the region faced significant human pressure on its environment. This pressure lik ely contributed to greater social and institutional complexity, the development of a political economy, and the emergence of the first urban entities. These would have formed the basis for the earliest Numidian chiefdoms around the middle of the 1st millen nium BC. Later, from the 5th century BC onwards, Carthaginian territorial expansion may have led to the emergence of the first Numidian kingdoms.Finally, these excavations also represent a turning point in the archaeological research and history of the reg ion. They demonstrate that many practices and innovations in the area are not, in reality, the result of contacts with the Phoenicians, but originate from endogenous local dynamics. The importance of Phoenician influences during this period must therefore be seriously revised downwards, as the excavations have clearly shown that they remained minimal compared to the indigenous substrate. Bibliograph y Ben Akacha, W. (2021). L ’ évolution urbaine d ’ Althiburos, de la période numide à l ’ époque impériale romain e. Dialogues d'histoire ancienne , 47 (1) : 179 - 211 Bokbot, Y. (2015). Protohistoire du Maroc. 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