6 Autumn 1999 Progress and S the South's Railroads By STEVEN G. COLLINS In the summer of 1852, Isham Howze, a Mississippi farmer, wrote in his diary, "While sitting here, I can hear the puffing, and rumbling, and whistling of the railroad locomotive and cars, for the first time." The following November, he added enthusiastically, "I can hear the steam whistle - the railroad cars are moving. What improvements in science and art!"1 Howze lived near one of the South' s largest railroads, the Memphis & Charleston, and he understood that the world was changing around him. Indeed, when the railroads began to extend throughout the South, they brought more than a new source of transportation; they carried with them men who had new conceptions of technology, managerial control, and organization.2 Southerners did not ignore these changes. Rather, they heeded the "Industrial Gospel" brought on by the transportation revolution. Especially the Whigs believed that technological progress and economic growth would foster order and efficiency, and strove to incorporate modernization into their slave society.3 Regional journals remarked continually on the power of the railroad to transform the South. De Bow 's Review, a leading industrial journal, proclaimed that "the revolution" started by the steam railroad "has been equaled by no other which history records. ... It has diminished labour, destroyed space, lengthened time, and created a new world." The Southern Quarterly Review, an arts and science journal, advocated the building of railroads to promote commerce, industry, and "all sources of our genius and wealth." The locomotive and the magnetic telegraph would improve "civilization and intellectual life." The American Cotton Planter foresaw that the railroad had "the social, moral, and political . . . energy" to create a "modem civilization." Many southerners agreed with these assessments and viewed railroads as a key component in the modernization of the region.4 Steven G. Collins teaches history at St. Louis Community College at Meramec. He is completing a dissertation titled "Organizing the South: Railroads, Plantations, and War." Railroad History 7 Former slaves, liberated by the Union Army, work track on the Nashville & Chattanooga near Murfreesbo They were employed by the U.S. Military Railroad. As the first large corporate entities, the railroads r arrangements. For the most part, southerners bu Local, county, and state conventions raised m investors. These investors tended to be from the more urban areas and were economic leaders in their regions - planters, merchants, and lawyers. The arguments they used to entice investment centered on expanding markets, lowering freight costs, and increasing industry. The Charlotte & South Carolina Railroad's first convention, for example, stressed that investment in the line would open "up new sources of wealth, of employment . . . [and] facilities of trade and general intercommunication."5 The conventions also pointed out that as the railroads expanded, they would benefit yeoman and planters alike. Such arguments helped build a general consensus in favor of railroad construction.6 8 Autumn 1999 Individual investment, however, w During the antebellum period, sout and local governments contributed construction. In all, the public secto railroad construction in the South, and bonds. Despite complaints about internal improvements, local and st for railroad links. The Montgomer 1852 that the city was "surrounde sides. Columbus in one direction, another." Montgomery needed to d faced the "danger of serious loss an State governments also believed the or they would fall behind other st for instance, constructed its line w Mobile initially invested $300,000 w of Alabama invested $400,000 with M&O sold state-backed bonds on railroads financed their constructi and private enterprise working tog The railroad network grew quite rap in the 1850s. In the decade before track were laid in the South out of most southern railroads were local the cotton market, there were seve On the eve of the war, the Mob longer lines required a large numbe South Carolina Railroad, for examp by 1 860, while the Western & Atla of Georgia 235. As a result, the sou counterparts, struggled with qu organization.8 De Bow 's Review understood the that railroads required technical deplorable ignorance in the minds journal reported, "as regards the va of the [civil] engineer." Southern in authority they needed to run a rai a remark that echoed the complain The boards of directors, the journal most part, from the counting room Railroad History 9 An 1850s passenger train in North Carolina is sho factories. Improvements in timekeeping and organiz Southern rail managers as a way to modernize the r Carolina Division of Archives) are not, nor ever could be, prepared to transact the bu bureau without an engineer's training." Engineers journal concluded, should control the labor, th "discipline" of the road, because a well-run railroad required a "professional," not an "ignorant and untried quack!"9 A South Carolina educational journal, The Self Instructor , also made the connection between engineering skill and management. Because the "complicated operations of a railroad company are not unlike the strategic movements of an army," it was in the South' s "public interest to see that the highest talent of the country be developed, especially in the engineer department of the mechanical art, for upon the wisdom of her railroad operations does much of the South' s chance for direct trade and commercial independence rest." In order to accomplish this training, the South had to "support our military schools as near as possible on the model of West Point, and there will be no want of mechanical talent and theoretical knowledge among our youth, to supply any demand we make."10 De Bow 's Review and The Self Instructor touched on the important point that the railroads required large-scale bureaucratic structures to coordinate their manpower and train movements. Despite complaints that southern railroads lagged behind their northern counterparts in organization and technology, the South did attract experienced men to run the railroad enterprise. One example was J. Edgar Thomson, who gained much of his experience on southern railroads. During the 1840s, Thomson served as the superintendent of transportation for the Georgia Railroad, where he developed the rudimentary organizational structure he later implemented on the Pennsylvania Railroad.11 Thomson divided the Georgia Railroad into departments. He made the superintendent of transportation responsible for the "regular and safe 10 Autumn 1999 transmission" of everything "sent by th over all the railroad's departments. Unde Thomson had a superintendent of railroad's movements, a superintende the machine shops and repair of cars, directed the upkeep of the road an maintenance crews. Thus it was in the the incipient managerial hierarchy th considered the critical component bureaucracy.12 Thomson did not act alone in tryin on southern railroads. Through trial a put new management principles int transplant who served as superintende divided the administration of his line in the same year that Thomson had inst Georgia's 1846 salary scale reflected a The superintendent of transportation $2,000, and the superintendent of m echelon of management, the ticket m the forwarding agents at Savannah lower level of the organization, receiv $600, cotton clerks $600, passenger t $500. Maintenance crews, usually com lower ranks. Other railroads followed a similar structure and divided their lines into separate traffic departments.14 ♦ ♦ ♦ By the 1850s, rudimentary bureaucratic st the large southern railroads. The Charlotte & report, for example, complained of a "want response, the line moved to create a more syst an organizational chart that listed the officers to "classify the services" on the road. In this way hoped to improve the poor "authority and co tolerated or permitted on well-managed Nort drawing up an organizational chart, the Charlott structure that included four functional depar motive power and machinery, and way. The stockholders this departmental system comp Railroad History 1 1 "adopted by well-organized Companies" and improv "regularity," with trains "seldom failing to arrive an schedule time."16 The Memphis & Charleston set up a management structure of two divisions, each with its own superintendent of transportation, master of engines, and track master. F. C. Arms, chief engineer and superintendent, explained why the 287-mile line required a bureaucratic structure. "In the working organization of your Road," he wrote, "two Divisions continue to be operated, to a great extent, independently of each other." This structure differed significantly from a small railroad because on a short road, "the Superintendent may have a personal, and, in some cases, a daily communication with all the officers and employes [s/c] of his Road. All irregularities and derelictions of duty come promptly to his knowledge for correction." But, Arms observed, "upon a long line, compensation for these advantages, can only be obtained, by the adoption of a system which will involve a proper division of responsibilities" that allowed "great promptness in the report of irregularities; and great care, in the correction of errors, not to embarrass principle [sic] officers in their control and influence over subordinates." Sam Tate, president of the M&C, shared Arms' views. "It takes time and a vast amount of labor to procure a thorough and systematic organization of any large and heavy business," he wrote, "but more especially is this a difficult task on a long Railroad, where there are necessarily so many departments to organize under separate and individual heads, the whole to be looked after by one general head, conferring . . . [with] absolute power on each head of department." Tate concluded the railroad required such an organization in order to operate with "simplicity, efficiency and economy."17 The railroad managers, recognizing the need for control mechanisms, classified jobs and implemented new regulations. When a watchman was killed while coupling a train, the superintendent of the South- Western Railroad of Georgia blamed the accident on the fact that the watchman attempted a job that was "no part of his business." When the same railroad had a series of accidents, the superintendent wrote that he had "prescribed such rules and regulations as will prevent . . . future accidents of like character." Managers enacted strict rules for their employees. The East Tennessee & Georgia made the use of "intoxicating liquors" grounds for dismissal. The preservation of life and property and the complicated requirements of railroad work demanded regulations, noted L. J. Fleming, general superintendent of the Mobile & Ohio. He argued that rules had to be enforced strictly and any worker breaking them fired quickly. "All experience in railroad management," he wrote in 1857, "has shown that 12 Autumn 1999 strict discipline and personal respons security of person and property, and th these fundamental principles." With th "rules and regulations accurately definin he printed and distributed to all worker to all their requirements will be consider in the Company's services."18 Fleming required daily reports from b reports contained the arrival and departur a list of all "discrepancies or failure in t on hand and the cars required for its t vouchers that showed "in detail" th passengers. The vouchers had to be sign department and had to be approved by this system of control would "contain t of trains, in the delivery of freight," and may be adopted if necessary to prevent his report on a collision between a passe concluded that it was caused by "runni and positively contrary to the printed the employees of the Company."19 Clea understand that workers needed to follo classifications. In addition to rules and regulations, the railroads of the South implemented detailed accounting procedures. Annual reports to stockholders and state authorities included tables that specified the condition of locomotives, number of miles run, wood burned, oil used, and cost of repairs. When he set up the accounting procedures for the Memphis & Charleston, Chief Engineer Charles Garnett emulated northern railroads. "All the railroad companies in the Union," he observed, "are in the habit of keeping an accurate account of annual expenses, from the salaries of their officers down to the oil used to grease a locomotive." The Charlotte & South Carolina also developed ledgers that helped control cost. The line reported monthly earnings, monthly expenditures, and a cost breakdown of transportation, maintenance, machine shop, loss and damages, construction, and freight and passenger traffic. Moreover, it listed the amount paid to each employee from the president to the train hands.20 The managers also tried to establish systematic maintenance programs. Heavy rains and floods frequently caused mud slides that damaged tracks and bridges. Furthermore, railroad ties rotted and needed to be replaced on a regular schedule. As early as 1 842, the Central of Georgia's Reynolds Railroad History 13 A 1859 mail train covered the 261 miles between Mobile, Alabama, and Okolona, Mississippi, at a brisk average speed of 18.6 mph. Travelers then took a stagecoach between West Point and Iuka, Mississippi, to reach the Memphis & Chattanooga. (University of South Alabama Archives) urged stockholders not to cut expenditures after the completion of the railroad. "The subject of 'maintenance of the way,' " he explained, "is one of the most important of all matters connected with the management of the railway." He warned investors that it would be "a great error to suppose it is the best policy, to cut down the expenses of repairs of [the] Road to the lowest possible sum that will keep the Road in operation." Such a policy, he argued, would cause an "over-strained economy" that would "result in constant derangement of machinery, in the mechanical department, more than equivalent to the apparent savings." If maintenance investment were not maintained, Reynolds predicted, the railroad would lbMfe Mi «Hr&iļfrMi. . * { Chfef Eng.Ã^Sup. 14 Autumn 1999 experience an abundance of accident Charlotte & South Carolina, agreed stockholders, "that it is cheaper to ke safe and sound condition, than other improved the condition of machin contributed to the public's confidenc an "essential [element] in the success so, in regard to railroad companies."2 Regular schedules for track repair W. M. Wadley of the Central of Geo line had invested in shanties and tent live along the track. Similarly, the built tent-cars that slept fifty. T foundations, ditches, culverts, and s large railroad built shops to repair l constructed their own freight and p instance, built its own freight cars, and second-class passenger cars. The in Vicksburg, Mississippi, that empl them slaves. The Memphis & Charlest cars in Huntsville, Alabama. Central o in 1 860 that the company was construc "to avoid all purchases of these articl Besides implementing regularly sch also embraced the new technology companies had adopted the improved The Charlotte & South Carolina, whic that it "will be the best economy in Road against accident and conting Charleston consisted of English T- encouraged the development of telegr for improved communication and co using the telegraph in 1 847, only thr practicability. The general superin investors in 1856 that the railroad's improve "convenience of travel, of preserving greater regularity in t Richmond & Danville created a telegra six operators, and three messengers. None of this is to say, however, tha organized. Different lines often did n Railroad History 1 5 same city, and in some cases they used different gauge made the transport of through freight a logistical nig uncommon for a train to be unloaded, its contents car across town, and then reloaded on another company's tra superintendent of the Charlotte & South Carolina, ackn that connections between different railroads made "freight varied and difficult." Superintendent Arms of the Mem complained that passengers at several of their stations s up to 14 hours due to "the failure of connecting Roa connections." When railroads did tie their services togeth problems developed. The Central of Georgia's Wadley n difficulty locating his railroad cars once they had been conn company's train. In fact, he sadly told stockholders in 1 A black youth stares at Dr. William J. Hawkins, preside Gaston, standing on the Romulus Saunders , cl860. The from Raleigh to Weldon, North Carolina, where it con Seaboard & Roanoke and Wilmington & Weldon. (North of Archives) 16 Autumn 1999 quite a number." The Memphis & Char the Nashville & Chattanooga because t time schedules and tariff rates, as w and damage to packages, would make the East Tennessee & Georgia reporte with other roads has been the sour damages and difficulties in forwardin The lack of a systematic freight or difficulties. Due to the inherent w uncoordinated rail system, through r posted. Beyond logistics, competition caused significant problems in setting admitted as much. "It is contended," wrote in 1841, "that we have yet a arrangement of our tariff of freight mileage spread. To complicate matt hauling cotton longer distances had ch the railroad managers argued that thr idea that injustice is done to the tr Georgia's Cuyler argued in 1 844, "wh corresponding reduction of way rates is managers grappled with the idea of ec railroad system. "The necessity [o maintained, was "imposed on us b corresponding fall in rates through argued, had been "learned by obs John Childe, superintendent of th understood, Childe explained, "that t trifle more than those of one a qu understanding, the system of railroa the pre-war South.27 The lack of coordination further im the South-Westem of Georgia report increased traffic. Railroad work re example, in December 1860, a Centra and a passenger train collided, killing The South-Western Railroad reported train fell between the cars" and was c & Charleston train ran over a young s between two cars. The Mobile & Ohio r railroad employee died when their tr Railroad History 17 derailed.28 As these accidents and coordination pr operations of southern railroads had considerabl antebellum period. Nevertheless, the railroads had gr 1850s and had implemented many of the same o identified with northern companies. ♦ ♦ ♦ The South' s rail managers had no problem i their corporate framework. Progress and slav minds. Few would have disagreed with B. Ay Memphis & Charleston, when he wrote in 18 labor upon Southern Roads has been frequent no doubt be greatly to their advantage to own th the road."29 As slave prices increased with cotton prices in the railroaders debated whether to rent or bu to continue contracting for slave labor. The even allowed stockholders to pay for their s Palmer, the road's president, observed that " up their subscriptions in labour ... is admira amount of stock subscribed and give s over the free in the construction of Rail Ro however, which used four hundred slaves for in 1849, decided to end the contract system ownership of slaves. President Cuyler thoug the railroad worked more efficiently, created a and received better medical care. Other railroads followed suit. The Nashville & Chattanooga invested more than $128,000 in slaves, the Raleigh & Gaston purchased $125,000 worth of slaves, and the South Carolina bought 90 slaves valued at more than $80,000.30 The decision to purchase slaves centered primarily on tight market conditions. The chief engineer of the Richmond & York, reported in 1 856 that the supply of labor appeared so scarce that rented slaves were almost "impossible" to obtain. In response, he argued, the railroad should consider buying slaves. In addition, railroad contracts with slave owners required negotiations and strict guidelines, with the railroad usually providing the rented slaves with shelter, food, clothing, and medical care. Beyond these costs, the railroad had to pay rent to the slaveholder. Furthermore, if a slave suffered injuries or death, the railroad had to reimburse the owner for the value of the slave. The Richmond & Danville, for instance, paid IB Autumn 1999 $ 1 ,379.44 for a slave laborer killed in some railroads stipulated contract responsibility "for accidents from managers soon decided that they nee than the contract system allowed.31 Despite some tension between railr slave labor played an important role constructed and maintained most of brakemen, firemen, station helpers, enginemen.32 The annual reports of t a look at the varied use of slaves. Blac as white wage earners, but at much black carpenter cost the Charlotte lin fees) and board, while a white carpen about $40 a month on a six-day wo company $ 1 5 per month compared t Other labor costs listed in the C&S following: Job Race Reported Cost Fireman Black $15 per month Fireman White $20-$25 per month Pump Minder Black $12.50 per month Pump Minder White $20 per month Depot Hand Black $ 1 2.50 per month Blacksmith Black? $250 per year and board Blacksmith White $2.75 per day Train Hand Black $15-$ 17 per month Track Raiser Black $ 1 2.50 per month Track Raiser White $1 .00 per day33 Because of their dependence on slave laborers, railroad rule books carefully defined the proper treatment of slaves within a bureaucratic organization. While the Memphis & Ohio permitted slaves to be whipped, it also carried a rule stating that punishment "must be administered in moderation, and within the bounds of the law, which is not to exceed thirty- nine lashes." The M&O rule book also forbade the hitting of a slave with a club, stick, fist, or other heavy object. With such rules and regulations guiding discipline on southern railroads, it could be argued that slaves who worked for railroads suffered less gratuitous violence and labored in a more rational working environment. However, the proposition that an Railroad History 1 9 The Orange & Alexandria Railroad somewhere in Virgin person in the cab appears to be black and could quite po fireman. Many southern railroads used slaves in this h (Library of Congress) 20 Autumn 1999 impersonal and bureaucratic railroad o plantation owners is debatable. A vete colleague that "if I dont [sic] come h on the Rail Road any longer than this w and it is better to feed them and let crippled up and no care taken of them The work done by slave labor wa grading, ditching, track laying, and t many casualties. Most railroads report and cholera. The superintendent of t that contractors and their slaves have appearance of cholera and other mali & Georgia noted the "prevalence of ep of Georgia told "of much sickness on laborers." The next year it reported " among our operatives."35 These comp annual reports. Grading the roadbed also meant wor The Central of Georgia, which had co five hundred slaves, determined that every excavation." A Greensboro, Nor two slaves were hurt "when an explos of the hole and taking with it the little of the other was injured by a [sic] gr the [eye]ball." Other jobs also proved and gravel trains hauling work gang line doing repairs. The Central of Geo with a small engine and train of cars the deep cuts and filling up tr accident reports show a large num construction and operation of the line a black worker "employed on Gravel regular Train." When a train derailed the fireman was "so scalded that he died on top of the cars died when he hit the attempting to get on the engine slipp over by the train.36 Obviously slav significant chance of injury or even Not surprisingly, slaves tried to es workers could simply quit a job th bondage. In January and February 18 Railroad History 21 The former slaves hired by the U.S. Military Railroad many miles of track used by Federal forces in their milit image comes from Report of Services Rendered by the Fr 1864. (North Carolina Division of Archives) purchased seven slaves for the cost of $6,250. Titus, cost $1,000. Three of the slaves worked in the shops an hands. The next year the company sold Titus becau running away from service rendered this expedient." cost for $1,000. In his place they purchased "Sam, children" for $2,550.37 In jobs where whites and blacks were both empl construction, the groups were typically segregated and sections of the line.38 Conflicts over slavery nevertheless 22 Autumn 1999 the Central of Georgia confronted fig "Some disturbances originating fro laborers," Superintendent Reynolds re the harmony which had previously response, the contractors resorted "to th In his next report, Reynolds argued t employment of slave labor have been of the last Summer."39 When conf management could simply dismiss th Because men in bondage could not s labor. Reynolds told stockholders that the construction of internal impro "vicissitudes" of northern free labor Charlotte & South Carolina, declared "efficient" than free labor. The M&O owning and controlling slave labor "f the fluctuations incident to the emplo It was not so much over ideas abou that the North and South differed. S counterparts, believed that railroads w despite much historical debate over m a study of its railroads discloses that bureaucratic ideals that Alfred Chandler discovered at work on northern railroads.41 By developing similar organizational structures, job specialization, rules and regulations, accounting procedures, and technology, the South mirrored the North in many respects. What did distinguish the two systems was that white southerners firmly believed that economic progress included the "peculiar institution." □ Notes The author wishes to thank Paul F. Paskoff, Gaines Foster, James Gaughan, and Anthony Gaughan for their comments. 'Isham Howze Journal, August 2, 1852, and November 26, 1852, Box 1, Folder 5, in Isham Howze Family Papers, Mississippi Department of Archives and History, Jackson, Miss. 2See especially Alfred D. Chandler, The Visible Hand: The Managerial Revolution in American Business (Cambridge, Mass., 1977); James R. Beniger, The Control Revolution: Technological and Economic Origins of the Information Society (Cambridge, Mass., 1986); Thomas C. Cochran, Railroad Leaders, 1845-1890: The Business Mind in Action (New York, 1965); Mark M. Smith, Mastered by the Clock: Time, Slavery, and Freedom in the American South (Chapel Hill, 1997). important books on southern railroads include John F. Stover, The Railroads of the South, 1865-1900: A Study in Finance and Control (Chapel Hill, 1 955); Maury Klein, The Great Richmond Terminal: A Study in Businessmen and Business Strategy (Charlottesville, Va., 1970); Allen W. Trelease, The North Carolina Railroad, 1849-1871 , and the Modernization of North Carolina Railroad History 23 (Chapel Hill, 1991); Kenneth W. Noe, Southwest Virginia's Railroad Sectional Crisis (Urbana, 111., 1994); Robert C. Black III, The Railroads Hill, 1952); U. B. Phillips, A History of Transportation in the Eastern York, 1908); Scott Reynolds Nelson, Iron Confederacies: Southern Rail Reconstruction (Chapel Hill, 1999); Franz Anton Ritter von Gerstner, Franz Anton Ritter von Gerstner 's Die innern Communicationen ( 1842-1 ed., David J. Diephouse and John C. Decker, trans. (Stanford, 1997). 4"Railway Systems and Projects in Europe and America," De Bow's R 21-22; "The History and Economy of Railroads," Southern Quarterl 373; "Railroads," American Cotton Planter 1 (1853): pp. 25-26. There ar on the relationship between technology, industrial progress, and p antebellum South. See, for example, J. Mills Thornton, Politics and Alabama, 1800-1860 (Baton Rouge, 1978); Lawrence F. Kohl, The Politic and the American Character in the Jacksonian Era (New York, 1989); the Machine: Technology and Republican Values in America, 177 Laurence Shore, Southern Capitalists: The Ideological Leadership of Hill, 1986); Vicki Vaughn Johnson, The Men and the Vision of t Conventions, 1845-1871 (Columbia, Mo., 1992); Tom Downey, "Ri facturing in Antebellum South Carolina: William Gregg and the Origin Journal of Southern History 65 (February 1999): 77-108; Paul F. Pasko in the Old South, 1 790-1 860," unpublished paper delivered at Works-in-P State University, 1991. 5 Proceedings of a Convention Respecting the Charlotte & South Car Winnsboro, Fairfield District, S.C. (Columbia, S.C., 1847), p. 12. 6Trelease (n. 3 above), pp. 16-17; Bradley G. Bond, Political Culture in South: Mississippi, 1830-1900 (Baton Rouge, 1995), pp. 8-10. 7William J. Cooper, Jr., and Thomas E. Terrill, The American South York, 1991), p. 324. On public financing of railroads, see, for example Railroad Construction and the Development of Private Enterprise in the S of Economic History 10 (1950): 40-43, 46-48; Trelease (n. 3 above), pp. pp. 8-11; Nelson (n. 3 above), pp. 20-25; "Internal Improvements (Montgomery), March 9, 1852; Proceedings of the Eight Annual Meet the Mobile and Ohio Railroad Co. (Mobile, 1 856), pp. 3-4, 7, 1 0; Procee (Mobile, 1857), pp. 4, 9; Proceedings of the Tenth Annual (Mobile, 1 "Chandler, (n. 2 above), pp. 79-121; Black, (n. 3 above), pp. 2-3, 5, '^'Rail-Road Administration at the South. The Civil Engineer," De Bo 1853): 146-151. 10"Railroads," The Self Instructor: A Monthly Journal Devoted to Southern Education and to the Diffusion of a Knowledge of Resources and Power of the South, as represented by The Negro, The Rail and the Press, 1 (November 1853): 39-40. 11 J. Edgar Thomson, "The Pennsylvania Rail Road Co. Organization for Conduction the Business of the Road. Adopted December 26, 1857," in The Railroads: Pioneers in Modern Management , Alfred D. Chandler, ed. (New York, 1979), p. 3; Chandler (n. 2 above), pp. 105-106; James A. Ward, J. Edgar Thomson: Master of the Pennsylvania (Westport, Conn., 1980), pp. 60-63. 12 Report of the Engineer in Chief of the Georgia Rail Road and Banking Co. to the Convention of Stockholders, May 9, 1842. Together with the Cashier's Statement of the Condition of Finances, on 9th May 1842, and Statement of Dividends (Athens, Ga.). Printed at the Office of the Southern Banner , June, 1842; Chandler (n. 2 above), pp. 105-107. 13 Eighth Report. Central Railroad and Banking Co. of Georgia (Savannah, Ga., 1842), pp. 75- 78. 14 Twelfth Report. Central Railroad and Banking Co. of Georgia (Savannah, Ga., 1 846), pp. 151, 156; Black (n. 3 above), p. 28. 15 Proceedings of the Stockholders of the Charlotte & South Carolina Rail Road Co. at their Sixth Annual Meeting (Columbia, S.C., 1854), pp. 6-8, 44-48. 16 Proceedings of the Stockholders of the Charlotte & South Carolina Railroad Co. at their Eighth Annual Meeting (Columbia, S.C., 1856), p. 37. 24 Autumn 1999 17 Seventh Annual Report of the Directors to t Railroad Co. (Memphis, Tenn., 1857), pp. 41, 2 ™ Ninth Annual Report. South-Western Railroa of the President and Directors of the East Ten 1857), pp. 18-19; Seventh Annual Report. South 197-198; Ninth Annual Meeting of the Stockhold Ala., 1857), p. 51. 19 Proceedings of the Ninth Annual Meeting of Co. (Mobile, Ala., 1857), p. 51 ; Twelfth Annual M Railroad Co. (Mobile, Ala., 1860), p. 14. 20 The First Annual Report of Charles F. M. Garn Rail Road (Huntsville, Ala., 1851), p. 6; Proceedin Carolina Rail Road Co. at their Sixth Annual M 21 Eight Report. Central Railroad and Banking 79; Proceedings of the Stockholders of the Charlo Annual Meeting (Columbia, S.C., 1857), pp. 13- 22Fifteenth Report. Central Railroad and Bank 200, 208; Seventh Annual Report. South-Western Annual Report. South-Western Railroad Co. (M President and Directors of the East Tennessee & 8; John Hebron Moore, The Emergence of the Co 1770-1860 (Baton Rouge, 1988), p. 194; Black (n 22 Fifth Report. Central Railroad and Bankin Proceedings of the Stockholders of the Charlott Annual Meeting (Columbia, S.C., 1856), p. 7; Se Stockholders in the Memphis & Charleston Ra Reports of the Committees of the House of Repres Ninth Congress, 1866-67, 4 vols. (Washington, 24 Thirteenth Report. Central Railroad and Ban 167; Annual Reports of the President and Directo Carolina Railroad Co. (Charleston, 1856), p. 9; B 25George R. Taylor and Irene D. Neu, The Amer Mass., 1956), pp. 41-48; Proceedings of the Sto Railroad Co. (Columbia, S.C., 1859), pp. 25-26; S Stockholders in the Memphis & Charleston Ra Twenty-First Report. Central Railroad and Bank Third Annual Meeting of the Stockholders of th Ala., 1853), p. 30; Report of the President and Road Co. (Athens, Tenn., 1857), p. 13; Seventh An Ga., 1854), pp. 197-198. 26Klein (n. 3 above), pp. 16-29; Black (n. 3 abo 21Ninth Report. Central Railroad and Bankin Proceedings of the Eighth Annual Meeting of th (Mobile, 1856), p. 32; Black (n. 3 above), pp. 38- 28 Seventh Annual Report. South-Western Railr Sixth Report. Central Railroad and Banking Co. Western Railroad Co. (Macon, Ga., 1857), p. 272; to the Stockholders in the Memphis & Charles Proceedings of the Ninth Annual Meeting of the (Mobile, Ala., 1859), p. 18. 29Fifth Annual Report of the Board of Directors Railroad Co. (Memphis, Tenn., 1855), p. 44. 30 Proceedings of the Charlotte & South Caroli Winnsboro (Columbia, S.C., 1849), p. 4; Fifteen Georgia (Savannah, Ga., 1849), p. 200; Black (n 2XSecond Annual Meeting of the Stockholders Railroad History 25 Va., 1856), p. 19; Walter Licht, Working for the Railroad: The Org Nineteenth Century (Princeton, 1983), pp. 68-69, 88-89. 32Licht (n. 31 above), p. 67; Trelease (n. 3 above), pp. 62-63. 33 Proceedings of the Stockholders of the Charlotte & South Carolin Sixth Annual Meeting (Columbia, S.C., 1854), pp. 39-40; Proceedings of Charlotte & South Carolina Railroad Co. at the Seventh Annual Meet pp. 43-45; Proceedings of the Stockholders of the Charlotte & Sout their Eighth Annual Meeting (Columbia, S.C., 1856), pp. 35-36; Procee of the Charlotte & South Carolina Railroad Co. at their Ninth Annual 1857), pp. 28-29. 34A. Rux to E. H. Stokes, December 18, 1861, Cornelius Chase Pape Manuscripts Division, Washington, D.C.; Licht (n. 31 above), pp. 68- D. Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll: The World the Slaves Made (New Y Joseph P. Reidy, From Slavery to Agrarian Capitalism in the Cotton Georgia, 1800-1880 (Chapel Hill, 1992), pp. 31-81. 2SThird Annual Meeting of the Stockholders of the Memphis & (Huntsville, Ala., 1 853), p. 1 5; Annual Report of the President and Dir & Georgia Railroad Co. (Athens, Tenn., 1 855), p. 8; Seventh Report. Ce Company of Georgia (Savannah, Ga., 1841), p. 63; Eighth Report. Cent Company of Georgia (Savannah, Ga., 1842), p. 73. 36 Second Report. Central Railroad and Banking Company of Georgia 30; Greensboro quote from Nelson (n. 3 above), p. 19; Seventeenth Rep Banking Company of Georgia (Savannah, Ga., 1851), p. 243; Proceed Meeting of the Stockholders of the Mobile & Ohio Rail Road Co. (M 37 Proceedings of the Stockholders of the Charlotte & South Caro Tenth Annual Meeting (Columbia, S.C., 1858), p. 11; Proceedings o Charlotte & South Carolina Railroad Co. at their Eleventh Annual 1859Ì.D. 10. 38 Proceedings of the Stockholders of the Charlotte & South Carolina Railroad Co. at their Eighth Annual Meeting (Columbia, S.C., 1 856), p. 36; Eleventh Annual Meeting of the Stockholder of the Mobile & Ohio Rail Road Co. (Mobile, Ala., 1859), Table 12. ^ Third Report. Central Railroad and Banking Company of Georgia (Savannah, Ga., 1839), p. 34; Fourth Report. Central Railroad and Banking Company of Georgia (Savannah, Ga., 1839), p. 44. mThird Report. Central Railroad and Banking Company of Georgia (Savannah, Ga., 1 839), pp. 32-35; Proceedings of the Charlotte & South Carolina Railroad at their Second Annual Meetin at Winnsboro (Columbia, S.C., 1849), p. 4; Proceedings of the Fifth Annual Meeting of the Stockholders of the Mobile & Ohio Rail Road Co. (Mobile, 1853), p. 16. 41On the modernization debate, see Smith (n. 2 above), Thornton (n. 4 above), and Shore (n. 4 above). Also Eugene D. Genovese, The Slaveholders' Dilemma: Freedom and Progress in Southern Conservative Thought, 1820-1860 (Columbia, S.C., 1992); Lacy K. Ford, Jr., Origins of Southern Radicalism: The South Carolina Upcountry, 1800-1860 (Oxford, 1988); James Oakes, Slavery and Freedom: An Interpretation of the Old South (New York, 1990); John Ashworth, Slavery, Capitalism, and Politics in the Antebellum Republic. Vol. 1: Commerce and Compromise, 1820- 1850 (Cambridge, 1995); Gavin Wright, The Political Economy of the Cotton South: Households, Markets, and Wealth in the Nineteenth Century (New York, 1986); Fred Bateman and Thoma Weiss, A Deplorable Scarcity: The Failure of Industrialization in the Slave Economy (Chapel Hill, 1981).