Review Article Contemporary Voice of Dalit 1–16 © 2022 SAGE Publications India (Pvt) Ltd Reprints and permissions: in.sagepub.com/journals-permissions-india DOI: 10.1177/2455328X221108286 journals.sagepub.com/home/vod 1 School of Education and Behavioral Sciences, University of Kashmir, Srinagar, Jammu and Kashmir, India. 2 Directorate of Distance Education, University of Kashmir, Srinagar, Jammu and Kashmir, India. Corresponding author: Khanday Mudasir Ahmad, School of Education and Behavioral Sciences, University of Kashmir, Srinagar 190006, Jammu and Kashmir, India. E-mail: kmudasir.scholar@kashmiruniversity.net Between Caste and Occupation: Issues of Sweeper Community in Kashmir Khanday Mudasir Ahmad 1 and Habibullah Shah 2 Abstract Caste is a form of social stratification characterized by occupational ranking, intermarrying and ritual hierarchy. The hierarchy here includes disparities in status and access to goods and services. This dis- parity is mainly found among lower castes like sweepers. Sweepers belong to the lowest rung regard- ing caste and occupation from Kashmir to Kanyakumari. They use long-handled brooms and carts to sweep roads, gardens, marketplaces and other public places. This study attempted to review the exist- ing literature to exhibit caste and occupation-based issues of this particular community in Kashmir. A systematic review methodology was espoused, and the relevant literature was searched through key databases, such as Google Scholar, Project Muse, PubMed, JSTOR and ScienceDirect, for this review paper by combining the keywords. The systematic review revealed that in Kashmir, the sweeper com- munity was at the bottom of the caste and occupational structure. This mechanism institutionalizes the transmission of unclean work from generation to generation, and it was still a structural flaw that main- tained inequality against the sweeper community. The people of this community are found educationally backward, socially ostracized and economically inferior. The upper castes typically forbid these people from entering their homes, whereas living amidst this community is deemed unpleasant. The process of caste mobility, such as Sayyidization , similar to Sanskritization and Ashrafization, is evident among the members of the sweeper community. Keywords Caste, occupation, sweeper community, discrimination, Kashmir Introduction South Asian countries, such as India, Nepal, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka, are known for their caste system (Waughray, 2009). Caste is a form of social stratification characterized by 2 Contemporary Voice of Dalit occupational ranking, intermarrying and ritual hierarchy (Ghurye, 1969; Manorama, 2010; Parimala, 2010). The hierarchy here encompasses inequalities in status and access to commodities and services (Berreman, 1960). This inequality has become a major motif for India, implying that it is inherently different from other countries (Dirks, 2001; Gundemeda, 2020) and is found both among Indian Hindus (Ghurye, 1969) and Muslims (Ali, 2002; George & Adiga, 2017; Shaban, 2018; Zainuddin, 2003). In addition, the Indian (Hindu) society is divided into four castes, each of which is linked with a specific profession: Brahmans (priests), followed in descending order by the Kshatriyas (warriors and rulers), Vaishyas (merchants) and Shudras (servants). The fifth category, albeit not even part of the Varna system, is known as Scheduled Castes or Dalits (Dirks, 2001). Thus, the caste system is evident in Indian society. Likewise, Muslims in India are also divided into different castes (Zainuddin, 2003) like—the Ashraf , Ajlaf and Arzal categories. Similarly, Kashmiri Muslims are also divided into different castes (Ahmad & Chakravarti, 1981), but the low-caste communities find themselves at the bottom of the social structure, enduring various degrees of discrimination. They are systematically marginalized because of social characteristics, including caste, ethnicity, traditional occupation and lifestyle and kinship (Moochi, 2021; Shah, 2018). It would be reasonable to argue that though a large section of the population speaks in favour of equality, however, there are less voices who are willing to speak out in favour of hierarchy or inequality due to caste and occupation (Béteille, 1991), even as a directive principle in Indian Constitution calls for the creation of a casteless society (Damle, 1961). Thus, in scholarly discourse, caste stratification is evident among Hindus and Muslims alike in Indian society. Review of Literature Caste and Occupation based Discrimination The Scheduled Castes, often known as Dalits , are considered outcasts and untouchables because they are considered impure (polluted) and forbidden from participating in ritual activities. Their relationship with a higher caste is thought to taint the latter (Vaid, 2014). This caste discrimination affects several aspects of their lives, including occupation, education, health, land separation, protection, interpersonal interactions and inter-caste marriage (Mandal, 2010). Moreover, they are deprived of basic necessities such as drinking water, food, housing and the right to exist as human beings in society, although they are imperative for their existence. It is all because they work in filthy, inhumane or degrading occupations (Beteille, 1996) as manual scavengers, sweepers, sanitation workers or Safai Karamcharis (Chowdhury, 2011; Singh, 2014), which hardly quench their thirst of survival needs. They collect, separate and transport the solid waste, clean roads, open areas, public restrooms and unblock sewers (Hossain, 2017; Manorama, 2010; Pandey, 2004; Shahid, 2015; Walters, 2019). This work made them face humiliation, worthlessness, resentment, fear, servitude, forbidden, oppression and social exclusion (Khan et al., 2021; Mallick & Malik, 2016) as this work is recognized as a polluted occupation (Adagale, 2020; Chowdhury, 2011; Singh, 2014; Thekaekara, 2003). This practice in India is found from Kashmir to Kanyakumari and leads them towards untouchability in society (Chowdhury, 2011; Kumar & Deepalatha, 2021; Saravanakumar, 2019). Thus, Mandal (2010) declared this discriminatory treatment ‘India’s hidden apartheid’. In addition to discrimination and social exclusion, the nature of occupation makes sweepers and or sanitation workers susceptible to various health problems, including musculoskeletal disorders, respiratory issues, eye irritation, loss of eyesight, muscle and ligament sprains, fatal and severe Ahmad and Shah 3 traffic accidents (Priyanka & Kamble, 2017). They are forced to work without any protective gear (Sultana & Tania, 2016). Their problems are further aggravated because of low wages. Additionally, their children face discrimination in schools which affects their quality of education (Gebremedhn & Raman, 2020; Nambissan, 2020). It is difficult to articulate or portray every aspect of the caste system in a generalizable manner due to its complexity. However, the aforementioned attributes are significant to understand how the caste system develops and perpetuates inequities. Nonetheless, this discrimination and stratification based on caste and occupation are not just visible among Hindus but also among Indian Muslims. Caste Stratification Among Muslims Caste is viewed as a vital aspect among Muslims, although Islam promotes justice and equality while opposing social stratification (Ahmad, 2018; Ali, 2002; Hasnain, 2005; Lindholm, 1986; Rout, 2017). In this perspective, Dumont (1980, p. 210) argues that caste among Muslims is “weakened or incomplete, but not lacking altogether”. Muslims commonly use the terms Zat (caste) and Biradari (community) (Alavi, 1972). Biradaris or zats are endogamous, interdependent and linked with certain occupations (Ahmad, 2015). Thus, Muslim societies in India appear to be divided on lineage, family history and occupation, and inter-caste marriages restricted between upper and lower caste (Ahmad & Chakravarti, 1981). This practice can be understood from the graded differences found among Muslims like—the Ashraf (noble born), Ajlaf (mean and lowly) and Arzal (excluded) category, which is evocative of Varna (Ansari, 1959). According to this categorization, Sayyids from the Ashraf category are at the top of the caste ladder, and sweepers from the Arzal category at the bottom (Ali, 2002; George & Adiga, 2017; Shaban, 2018) are equivalent to Schedule Caste Hindus (Zainuddin, 2003). However, they have not been given Scheduled Caste status, which is reserved for Hindus, Sikhs and Buddhists only (Hasan, 2009; Hasnain 2007). Sweepers are subjected to discriminatory practices by upper-class Muslims in the hierarchy of caste both within and beyond the religion, akin to Dalits in Hinduism (Ahmad, 1967; Ahmad & Chakravarti, 1981; Ahmad, 2018; George & Adiga, 2017; Shaban, 2018) because they are engaged with menial occupation (Rout, 2017). It depends on the comparatively pure or impure character of the occupation like Hindus (Bhatty, 1996). Sweepers do not get better wages which made them socio-economically backward, and their education progress also suffered due to the marginalization and discriminatory attitude of upper-caste people (Lindholm, 1986; Rout, 2017). However, like Sanskritization among Hindus, Ashrafization plays an indispensable role in the upward social trajectory among Muslims belonging to the lower caste in India (Ahmad, 1967; Ali, 2002; Shaban, 2018). Thus, by adopting inclusive approaches, the sweeper community can be uplifted socially and educationally. Context of the Study The caste system among Kashmiri Muslims appeared to be a holdover from their Hindu heritage (Dabla, 2012; Ganai, 2020). Singh (2003) asserted that “the caste system, in the traditional sense of the term, does not exist in the Kashmir valley. But at the same time, caste exists in Kashmir and plays a definite role in the Kashmiri society” (p. 704). Dabla (2012) supported this claim by stating that caste stratification among Kashmiri Muslims is visible. They are divided into different castes (Ahmad & Chakravarti, 1981), such as “ Sayyid castes, Khan castes, Occupational castes , and Service castes ” (Dabla, 2012, 4 Contemporary Voice of Dalit p. 37). Alliances between Sayyid castes on the one hand and service castes like Watals on the other are nearly impossible due to the vast social divide between them (Johar, 2019). Watals fall into the Scheduled Caste list reported in the census of 1931 (Bhatia, 2014; Chandar & Rafique, 2020), but such benefits are shrouded in mystery. They are primarily engaged with scavenging, sweeping and cobbler occupations (Gupta, 1998; Nadim, 2010; Shah, 2022). Kak et al. (2013) have categorized Watals into three categories, such as ‘ keshir Watal ’ or ‘ duvan Watal , (sweepers), the ‘ shupir Watal ’ (makers of winnowing trays) and the ‘ tshiints Watal ’ (tanners). Among these three categories, ‘ Duvan Watal ’ (Sweepers) are suffering more from socio-economic caste marginalities in Kashmir (Shah, 2022). Thus, this paper aims to evaluate and investigate the various forms of discrimination and inequality experienced by this sweeper community ( Watal community). Despite several research studies conducted on caste, no systematic review has been conducted to analyse the caste and occupational issues of the sweeper community ( Watal community) in Kashmir to date. This systematic review investigates various underlying factors of discrimination, injustice and inequality across time to bridge this gap by examining the caste-based issues of the sweeper community in Kashmir and how do caste and occupation reinforce discrimination? Methodology This study was descriptive in nature. Researchers adopted a systematic review, a research methodology approach to assess and understand the caste and occupational issues of the sweeper community in Kashmir. The systematic review aims “to investigate and synthesize evidence of the effect of a specific factor” (Snyder, 2019, p. 336). Davis et al. (2014) supported this argument by asserting that in a systematic review, the findings of previous studies are synthesized in a clear, organized and reproducible manner. The available literature published till 2022, particularly meant for the sweeper community of Kashmir, was consolidated for this study because when a research field is new or diminutive research conducted on it, then all available literature for systematic review regarding the field to be examined (Kraus et al., 2020). Various authors advised literature review writers to explore the accessible literature, including books, conference papers and grey literature (Briner & Denyer 2012; Petticrew & Roberts, 2006). So, in this context, researchers encompassed peer-reviewed journal articles, books, book chapters and grey literature about the sweeper community. Nevertheless, all the grey literature included in this study was virtually available. Search Strategy Researchers explored the literature for this review paper in Google Scholar, Project Muse, PubMed, JSTOR, ScienceDirect and Google by combining the keywords mentioned in Table 1. The researchers used the snowball sampling technique (Wohlin, 2014) for the already reviewed studies’ reference lists Table 1. Keywords Searched in Database. Keywords Watal Sheikh Sweeper Community Sheikh Community Education Caste Discrimination Kashmir Outcastes Untouchability Islam Muslims Social Stratification Source: The authors. Ahmad and Shah 5 for this paper to learn more about publications related to the topic. From snowball sampling, researchers included four studies deemed fit for this study. Inclusion/Exclusion Criteria Researchers conducted searches in the English language only. Of the total 35 studies found, only 14 studies were deemed fit for this study. Given this niche research field is still developing, there was a scarcity of high-quality empirical evidence, and the collection of chronologically published data was not employed. Data Reduction Fourteen studies were included in this study that matched the inclusion criteria. Table 2 summarizes the studies that were reviewed. The first author extracted the data which was then double-checked by the Table 2. Summary of the Reviewed Literature. Author/s and Year of Publication Study Method and Data Collection Main Findings Shah (2022) Understanding social exclusion of the low- caste Muslims in Kashmir This study was qualitative in approach. Interview and focus group discussion was used for data collection. In Kashmir, the sweeper community is at the bottom of a discriminatory hierarchy, with interlocking layers of perversion and mediocrity. The layers appear as socio- economic impoverishment, stigmatized caste identification, ghettoized colonies, endogamy, exclusion from greater socialization, employment and educational opportunities, and being locked in a vicious circle of intergenerational transmission of ‘menial’ occupation. Ganai (2020) History from below: A study of Watal community in rural Kashmir (1846–1990) This study adopted primary and secondary sources for data collection. In the urban area sweeper community people work in SMC as sweepers, and in rural areas, they serve the people. The caste system among Kashmiri Muslims appears to be a holdover from their Hindu heritage. Masroor (2019) Between work and respect: Dilemmas of a manual scavenging community in Kashmir This study employed a qualitative approach. Participant observation and in-depth interviews were adopted to collect the data from 30 participants. The sweeper community is one among the various deprived sections that face discrimination daily, although Islam talks about classlessness. The sweeper community holds the lowest position in society due to their occupations for which they are discriminated against by upper castes like Dalits of India. The word ‘ Watul’ is used by the common masses as an epithet to abuse others. (Table 2 continued) 6 Contemporary Voice of Dalit Author/s and Year of Publication Study Method and Data Collection Main Findings Mullick and Rashid (2018) Interdisciplinarity in humanities and social sciences: Bringing sociology and linguistics together This study employed a quantitative approach. A closed-ended form questionnaire was given to 83 respondents for data collection. The sweeper community in Kashmir is mostly recognized as the Watal community or Sheikh community. The Sheikh community is a minority community in Kashmir. It was also unveiled that the Sheikh community has a low literacy rate and is socio-economically backward. Sheikh (2018) Cradle of castes in Kashmir (from the medieval period to the present day) This study was the review of existing literature, particularly Kalhana’s Rajtarangni , Srivara’s Rajtarangni , Lawrence’s The Valley of Kashmir and Nizam-Ud-Din Wani’s Muslim Rule in Kashmir Lower castes or outcastes of Kashmir include Dombas, Chandalas and Watals ( Sheikh ). Watal community people perform menial tasks, such as sweeping and scavenging in towns and cities. They are discriminated against and rejected by inhabitants due to their different nature. Like Dalits in India face discrimination and oppression; likewise the sweeper community in Kashmir faces the same atrocities. Safdar (2015) An ethnolinguistic study of Sheikha Gal/Watali speakers in Kashmir This study employed a qualitative approach. Participant observation and informal interview methods were used for data collection. The sweeper community is considered as outcasts and untouchables by society. Nevertheless, the social stigma attached to their work became the permanent feature of this community. In Kashmir, this community is mostly recognized as Watal community or Sheikh community. The people of this community belong to a subgroup of the Watals. The educational system prevailing in this community is poor. Hameed (2013) On exploring the Watals of Kashmir This study employed a qualitative approach. Interview and observation methods were adopted for data collection. The sweeper community is facing deprivation, indifference and also considered outcasts by the society because of caste and occupation. Fellow Muslims still deride them because of their menial occupation and caste. Kak et al. (2013) Language and identity of Sheikhs (Watals): Retrospect and prospect This study employed a qualitative approach. Interview and observation were adopted to collect data from 43 participants. In Kashmir, the sweeper community is typically known as the Watal community or Sheikh community. They are called harmaadani sheikhs Watal community people consider the name Watul (singular) or Watal (plural) derogatory and would prefer to be called Sheikhs. They claim that the original name assigned to them was ‘ Watvun’ . They write Sheikh as caste instead Watal to make social mobility easier. (Table 2 continued) (Table 2 continued) Ahmad and Shah 7 Author/s and Year of Publication Study Method and Data Collection Main Findings Dabla (2012) Directory of castes in Kashmir This study provided a comprehensive overview of the castes in Kashmir. The process of Sayyidization is evident among the people of the sweeper community. Every caste in Kashmir has a specific traditional occupation. Sweeper community found at lowest rung at the hierarchy of caste and occupation in Kashmir. Rawat (2012) Caste, religion and untouchability in Muslim-dominated Kashmir This article is based on the primary source interviews and secondary source literature. Despite equity in Mosques during Nimaz (prayer), people particularly elite Muslim communities do not want to keep relations with sweeper community people, although Islam talks about classlessness. Bhat (2010) Ethnic plurality in Jammu and Kashmir: A sociological analysis This study employed a secondary cross-sectional method. Data obtained from senses of India 2001 and supplemented with state digest of statistics and existing literature. The sweeper community of Kashmir is, somewhat, similar to Churas, Chamars and Bhangis of Punjab in terms of occupation. Marriage is endogamous here. Sweeper community is recognized as Watal community or Sheikh community. It was also revealed that these people face segregation and discrimination because of their lower caste in the caste hierarchy. Singh (2003) People of India: Jammu and Kashmir The book provided a comprehensive overview of the castes in Kashmir. Watal ‘are the people who carry a broomstick’ (p. 690). ‘The caste system, in the traditional sense of the term, does not exist in the Kashmir valley. But, at the same time, caste exists in Kashmir and plays a definite role in the Kashmiri society’ (p. 704). Sweepers remain in service to clean roads, lanes, bylanes and even snow mounds. Rather (1996) Ethnicity in Kashmir: A study of Watals This study employed a quantitative approach. The interview and observation method was adopted to collect data from 800 samples. Most people of the sweeper community are employed as Safai Karamchari in SMC. In Kashmir, the sweeper community is mainly recognized as the Watal community or Sheikh community. They mostly write Sheikh as a caste so that discrimination and stigma inflicted on them shall be eliminated. The use of Sheikh for Watals makes social mobility easier for them. The literacy rate of this community is very dismal. Lawrence (1895) The valley of Kashmir This book provided an in-depth overview of Kashmir, including Sweeper community ( Watal community). Watal community is distinctive from the rest of the populace and is regarded as gypsies of Kashmir. Source: Reviewed studies for systematic analysis. (Table 2 continued) 8 Contemporary Voice of Dalit co-author to verify and to maintain trustworthiness, accuracy and consistency. Any concern over the selection was discussed with the co-author. Thematic analysis steps, described by Braun and Clarke (2006), were used to analyse the extracted data. From the 14 studies, the researchers identified five themes. After analysing data, efforts were made to synthesize information from different studies to find elements that appeared to impact the outcomes across themes. The identified themes were discussed with the co-author, and differences were addressed by going back to the data. Results Unpacking Sweeper Community The sweeper community in Kashmir is a Sunni Muslim community that belonged to a subgroup of the Watal community (Bhat, 2010; Safdar, 2015). Watal community belonged to a lower caste community in Kashmir. Nevertheless, the sweeper community is mainly recognized as the Watal community or Sheikh community despite forming the Watal community subgroup, diagrammatically represented in Figure 1 (Bhat, 2010; Kak et al., 2013; Mullick & Rashid, 2018; Rather, 1996; Safdar, 2015). This argument was supported by Singh (2003), who asserted that Watal “are the people who carry a broomstick” (p. 690). So, in this context, it was reported that sweeper community, Watal community or Sheikh community terms were used interchangeably in the literature as they connoted the same meaning (Shah, 2022). Sweepers were reported the inhabitants of Kashmir and formed an ethnic group among different ethnic groups (Rather, 1996). They are found in various places in Kashmir but are primarily located in the Srinagar district (Rather, 1996; Safdar, 2015). These people were reported as distinctive from the rest of the populace and were regarded as gypsies of Kashmir (Lawrence, 1895) or ‘harmaadani sheikhs’ (Kak et al., 2013; Rather, 1996). The meaning of the word has changed to Baskeen Sheikhs (living in present residences) as they have settled now (Rather, 1996) on infringed lands or in a ‘ghetto’ Figure 1. Classification of Watal Community on Occupation Basis. Source: Kak et al. (2013). Ahmad and Shah 9 sanctioned by the government (Shah, 2022). However, the people of this community argued that their gypsy nature was because of upper castes who disallowed their presence around their neighbourhoods (Safdar, 2015). Many Sheikhs were engaged as government employees working as sweepers (Kak et al., 2013; Shah, 2022). The institutional preference granted to Sheikhs for the profession of sweeping is quite pleasant for them (Shah, 2022). They work as sweepers in local municipalities and or Srinagar Municipal Corporation (SMC), and in rural areas, they served the people with a low wage that hardly fulfilled their basic survival needs (Bhat, 2010; Ganai, 2020; Safdar, 2015; Shah, 2022; Singh, 2003). Due to the lack of employment opportunities in Kashmir, Sheikhs are content to pass the sweeping job down to their next generations. They do, however, characterize their occupation as ‘menial’ and their social identity as ‘inferior’ (Shah, 2022). Overall, this community is particularly meant for menial jobs which is an unfavourable inclusion. Caste and Surname: A Transition to Minimize the Discrimination Sweeper community people dropped the Watal surname and instead adopted Sheikh as their surname to lessen the discrimination inflicted on them. Sheikh is an Arabic word that refers to elderly and revered (Rather, 1996). They consider the name Watul (singular) or Watal (plural) derogatory and, hence, prefer to be called Sheikhs (Kak et al., 2013) to avoid the shadow of caste discrimination. The lowly social connotation of the ‘Watul’ word in Kashmir has been appropriated as an epithet to abuse others. Watal Nasil (Watal lineage) and Watal Khaslat (Watal nature) are very often used as pejorative words to denigrate others (Masroor, 2019). Nonetheless, the community has claimed that the original name assigned to them was ‘ Watvun ’ (a responsible person for making society clean and hygienic) (Kak et al., 2013). Thus, they mostly write Sheikh as a caste to indicate social status. It also made their social mobility easier (Kak et al., 2013; Rather, 1996). The process of Sayyidization (caste mobility), similar to Sanskritization and Ashrafization, was reported evident among lower castes in Kashmir (Dabla, 2012). The same was found from Watal to Sheikh caste in the sweeper community. Thus, the burden of discrimination on this community was alleviated due to the surname transition. Labour Market Exclusion The sweeper community is at the bottom of a discriminatory hierarchy in Kashmir, with interlocking strata of perversion and mediocrity. The layers appear as socio-economic impoverishment, stigmatized caste identification, ghettoized colonies, endogamy, exclusion from greater socialization, limited employment and educational opportunities, and being locked in a vicious circle of intergenerational transmission of ‘menial’ occupation (Shah, 2022). The sweeper community of Kashmir was found at the lowest rung in the hierarchy of caste and occupation as they are following the traditional occupation of ancestors (Rather, 1996; Safdar, 2015; Shah, 2022). This mechanism institutionalizes the transmission of ‘unclean’ works from generation to generation, and it is still a structural flaw that maintains inequality against the Sheikh caste (Shah, 2022). They face discriminations, such as deprivation, exclusion, humiliation, stigmatization, abandonment, indifference and declared outcasts by society (Hameed, 2013; Safdar, 2015). As a result, they are unable to partake in society’s white-collar jobs. Caste-based occupational specialty is detrimental to inclusion because it limits access and opportunities to sweepers to participate in inclusive arrangements or inclusive employment environments (Shah, 2022). Bhat (2010) and Rather (1996) claim that this community is similar to 10 Contemporary Voice of Dalit Churas, Chamars and Bhangis of Punjab in terms of occupation because Churas, Chamars and Bhangis have traditionally followed the sweeping practice which is considered the polluting occupation. Sweepers claimed that they were born for cleansing (Shah, 2022). In the harsh winters of Kashmir, when everyone preferred to remain indoors due to bone-chilling weather, these people stayed in service to clean roads, lanes, bylanes and even snow mounds (Singh, 2003). They adopted the title of Sheikh to quell the discrimination and stigma they had experienced (Rather, 1996). However, due to their low job and caste, fellow Muslims continued despising them (Hameed, 2013). These people believed that the caste system remains an inherent part of Kashmiri society with their women being subjected to slurs, harassment and malign (Safdar, 2015). Upper-caste people typically forbade these people from entering their homes; even living in their community was deemed unpleasant (Rather, 1996). When they met or engaged with an outsider, they preserved and defended a misnomer cultural identity due to lower caste and menial occupation (Safdar, 2015). The people of higher castes refuse to accommodate them individually and socially derided them as inferior. Thus, this community is the victim of exclusion due to their caste and occupation. Exclusion from Social Networks The sweeper community in Kashmir often faces social exclusion in their everyday life. They are a socio- economically backward community compared to the other communities of Kashmir (Mullick & Rashid, 2018). They were enlisted as Schedule Castes under Article 341 of the Indian Constitution, but they have been denied the affirmative benefits as applicable to the Hindu Schedule Castes (Safdar, 2015; Singh, 2003). However, the policy documents classify and enlist Sweepers or Sheikhs as a ‘social caste’. Sheikh (2018) revealed that the sweeper community faced stricture, repudiation and discrimination by inhabitants due to their different nature, which was iniquitous. This perception created a wall of hatred between them and the general masses. They were found residing in ghettos without intermingling with other communities of the Kashmiri populace (Kak et al., 2013) because of the apprehension of attack and humiliation from upper-caste people. They were denigrated and considered second-class citizens by dominant sections of the society. Rawat (2012) reported that despite equity in Mosques during Namaz (prayer), nonetheless, people, particularly, upper caste did not want to keep relations with sweeper community people although Islam talks about classlessness (Masroor, 2019; Singh, 2003). According to Singh (2003), the sweeper community, people bewailed that “we are like dropped leaves of a tree being swept away by the wind to unknown directions” (p. 691). Dominant sections or upper-caste people of the society felt humiliated to approach and shake hands with the people of this community. If sweeper community people appeared in any social event of upper-caste people, they kept a safe distance from the sweeper community. Therefore, people do not abide them as members of society. Education, Marriage Practices and Family Structure The educational scenario prevailing in the sweeper community of Kashmir was found poor (Mullick & Rashid, 2018; Shah, 2022) primarily due to poverty and parental ignorance. Parents are less concerned about the education of their children. Moreover, the children of this community are mostly enrolled in public schools where they could not get individual attention because of the unfavorable pupil–teacher ratio which has a detrimental effect on their academic performance. The literacy rate was found dismal, and the dropout rate increased with the increase in age (Rather, 1996). It was found that parents forced Ahmad and Shah 11 their children to leave schools and engaged them in earning their livelihood (Rather, 1996; Safdar, 2015). Children of the sweeper community stopped their education after primary schooling (Mullick & Rashid, 2018; Safdar, 2015). Overall, there were more unlettered women than men, and this pattern seems to be continued, as the number of school-aged girls was lower than that of school-aged boys within this community (Safdar, 2015). Illiteracy is a contributing cause to the spread of poverty (Shah, 2022). However, (Masroor, 2019; Safdar, 2015) reported that they want social mobility to unfasten themselves from disgrace with the help of education. Thus, the educational trajectories of this community is dismal. The effect of caste and occupation was found in the matrimonial alliances. The upper-caste Muslim communities did not marry within this community due to the lower caste, which resulted in people of sweeper community preferring to endogamy (Bhat, 2010; Dabla, 2012; Mullick & Rashid, 2018; Singh, 2003). Like other lower caste and poor communities, the people from this community also lacked awareness and knowledge about family planning, which resulted in their families swelling in size (Ganai, 2020; Rather, 1996). The family structure of this community was found mainly nuclear, with patrilocal families in the majority of cases and matrilocal families in the minority (Safdar, 2015). Thus, large family size impacts their standard of living. Discussion This study has investigated caste-based discrimination in the sweeper community based on 14 selected studies. These research studies have been carried out in Kashmir valley, with diverse participants. This study has found that caste hierarchy and caste discrimination are evident in Kashmir valley. The victim of caste discrimination is mostly sweeper community people known as Sheikhs and forms a subgroup of the Watal community. They are at the bottom of the caste and occupation hierarchy like the Dalits and Arzals of India (Ali, 2002; George & Adiga, 2017; Shaban, 2018; Thapa et al., 2021). Sweepers are engaged in sweeping and sanitation work to clean roads, lanes and bylanes in Kashmir. This finding aligns with previous studies (e.g., Hossain, 2017; Manorama, 2010; Pandey, 2004; Shahid, 2015; Walters, 2019), which claim that these people suffer excruciating agony and health risks due to their menial work. Their caste identity is the only thing that qualifies them for sweeper work (Ittefaq et al., 2021). Likewise, this study shows that these people face humiliation, worthlessness, resentment, fear, oppression and social exclusion in parallel with the existing literature (Chowdhury, 2011; Khan et al., 2021; Mallick & Malik, 2016; Singh, 2014). These people do not get a good salary and medical facilities (Gebremedhn & Raman, 2020; Ittefaq et al., 2021). People of higher castes who refuse to mingle with sweeper community people individually or in social gatherings view them as inferior. Mehmood-ul-Hassan et al. (2011) support this finding by asserting that people from lower working classes have several challenges in nearly every aspect of life. They are not given due consideration at social gatherings. Within this community, the literacy rate is very low due to poverty and parental ignorance. This finding is supported by Deshpande and Palshikar (2008), who assert that minority Muslims are commonly acknowledged as socio-economically and educationally marginalized. This finding is further substantiated by Fraser (2010) and Singh (2014), who claim that children of such a community frequently have limited or no access to schooling or drop out is rampant. Different reasons, such as parental non-cooperation, child labour, illiterate family members and neighbourhood impact, may contribute to the dismal literacy rate among the children of the sweeper community. The impact of caste and occupation is also seen in marital alliances when other Muslim groups forbid to marry with 12 Contemporary Voice of Dalit this community because of the lower caste; therefore, people from the sweeper community prefer to marry within their community. This finding is substantiated in the study conducted by Ahmad and Chakravarti (1981) and Mandal (2010), who claims that inter-caste marriages between upper and lower caste Muslims in India are prohibited. The literature reviewed for this study revealed that the sweeper community is a marginalized and lower caste community. All the studies cited in this study have raised almost common issues of this community more focused on a sociological perspective, and the authors of the reviewed studies were of the subject field. However, these studies have not depicted the educational experiences of the children from this community. Some studies (e.g., Ganai, 2020; Hameed, 2013; Kak et al., 2013; Masroor, 2019; Rather, 1996; Shah, 2022; Sheikh, 2018) are not methodologically sound. Several research undertakings have been conducted without any theoretical framework (e.g., Bhat, 2010; Ganai, 2020; Hameed, 2013; Kak et al., 2013; Masroor, 2019; Mullick & Rashid, 2018; Rather, 1996; Safdar, 2015), and few studies (e.g., Ganai, 2020; Hameed, 2013) have ambiguity in data collection techniques. The discussion part is also missing in several studies (e.g., Bhat, 2010; Kak et al., 2013; Masroor, 2019; Mullick & Rashid, 2018; Rather, 1996; Safdar, 2015) to support the findings with existing literature. Besides, it has also been observed that many studies are not well-grounded in the existing literature and academic discourse of caste and discrimination. Issues of occupation and social equity are not well investigated in these studies. Thus, further research needs to be conducted where this community must be understood in-depth from all the aspects, such as educational, social, cultural and economic perspectives. It is better to conduct an ethnographic study to explore this community from all these contexts so that affirmative action will be suggested accordingly. Overall, the literature review opens the gateway for prospective researchers to understand the caste-based issues related to this particular community. Conclusion Research on caste often reports exclusion, discrimination, poor literacy rate, unemployment, inadequate facilities and endogamy induced due to the linkage of caste and occupation. This study highlighted that the sweeper community in Kashmir is mainly recognized as the Watal community or Sheikh community. They are found at the bottom rung of the caste and occupation ladder. They adopted Sheikh caste to avoid discrimination but continuously facing ostracization, seclusion, repudiation and discrimination. It is a felony against humanity, and it exemplifies the illusion of growth in an era of human development. The discrimination faced by the sweeper community could reduce if the government introduces a systematic and innovative policy programme to address caste exclusion barriers, provide support and restore dignity for this community. So, they may wake up from the slumber of discrimination and raise their unheard voices against their discrimination and basic amenities. Overall, if the common assumptions regarding this community are not scholarly investigated, so the policies, services and educational practices that grow out of these assumptions shall push them more for exclusion and discrimination. Declaration of Conflicting Interests The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship and/or publication of this article. Funding This research did not receive any specific grant from any funding agencies in the public, commercial or not-for- profit sectors. Ahmad and Shah 13 ORCID iDs Khanday Mudasir Ahmad https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0088-6441 Habibullah Shah https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5351-7669 References Adagale, R. (2020). Water and violence against Dalits in Maharashtra: Multi-case study approach. Social Change, 50 (3), 399–415. https://doi.org/10.1177%2F0049085720923876 Ahmad, I. (1967). The Ashraf and Ajlaf categories in Indo-Muslim society. 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