A r c h a e o l o g i c a l S t u d i e s A m s t e r d a m Nico Roymans 10 Ethnic Identity and Imperial Power A m s t e r d a m U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s Ethnic Identity and Imperial Power Editorial board: Prof. dr. E.M. Moormann Prof. dr. W. Roebroeks Prof. dr. N. Roymans Prof. dr. F. Theuws Other titles in the series: N. Roymans (ed.): From the Sword to the Plough Three Studies on the Earliest Romanisation of Northern Gaul ISBN 90 5356 237 0 T. Derks: Gods, Temples and Ritual Practices The Transformation of Religious Ideas and Values in Roman Gaul ISBN 90 5356 254 0 A. Verhoeven: Middeleeuws gebruiksaardewerk in Nederland (8e – 13e eeuw) ISBN 90 5356 267 2 F. Theuws / N. Roymans (eds): Land and Ancestors Cultural Dynamics in the Urnfield Period and the Middle Ages in the Southern Netherlands ISBN 90 5356 278 8 J. Bazelmans: By Weapons made Worthy Lords, Retainers and Their Relationship in Beowulf ISBN 90 5356 325 3 R. Corbey / W. Roebroeks (eds): Studying Human Origins Disciplinary History and Epistemology ISBN 90 5356 464 0 M. Diepeveen-Jansen: People, Ideas and Goods New Perspectives on ‘Celtic barbarians’ in Western and Central Europe (500-250 BC) ISBN 90 5356 481 0 G. J. van Wijngaarden: Use and Appreciation of Mycenean Pottery in the Levant, Cyprus and Italy (ca. 1600-1200 BC) The Significance of Context ISBN 90 5356 482 9 F.A. Gerritsen: Local Identities Landscape and community in the late prehistoric Meuse-Demer-Scheldt region ISBN 90 5356 588 4 Ethnic Identity and Imperial Power This publication was funded by the Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research (NWO). This book meets the requirements of ISO 9706: 1994, Information and documentation – Paper for documents – Requirements for permanence. English translated/corrected by Annette Visser, Wellington, New Zealand Cover illustration: Marble head of Julius Caesar, found at Nijmegen. Photo Rijksmuseum van Oudheden, Leiden. Cover design: Kok Korpershoek, Amsterdam Lay-out: Bert Brouwenstijn, ACVU Amsterdam Maps and figures: Bert Brouwenstijn, ACVU Amsterdam ISBN 90 5356 705 4 NUR 682 © Amsterdam University Press, Amsterdam 2004 All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of this book may be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise), without the written permission of both the copyright owner and the author of this book. , . The study of ethnicity and ethnogenesis . Roman imperial power and the ethnic dynamics in the Lower Rhine frontier . Ethnicity, texts and material culture. Methodological considerations . Structure of the text . Introduction . The adoption of coinage . The emergence of regional sanctuaries . The development of a major nucleated settlement at Kessel/Lith . The mass circulation of glass bracelets . Discussion. A new kind of society in the Lower Rhine region? ’ . Major changes in the tribal map after the Roman conquest . Archaeological discussion on continuity and discontinuity of habitation in the Rhine delta in the later 1st century BC . The Lower Rhine population and their presumed Germanic ethnicity . Introduction . Late Iron Age coin circulation in the Lower Rhine region . The triskeles Scheers 31 type coins: typology, metrology, and distribution . Chronology and the problem of historical interpretation . Ascription to the Eburones and the link to Caesar’s conquest . Patterns of deposition and loss: the archaeological contexts . Conclusion Appendix 4.1. List of ‘imported’ gold staters found in the Lower Rhine region Appendix 4.2. Descriptive list of the Scheers 31 triskeles coins . The roots of the alliance between the Romans and Batavians . On the role of a king . From kingship to magistrature . Conclusion . Distribution, classification and chronology of the Lower Rhine triquetrum coinages 6.1.1 General distribution 6.1.2 Classification 6.1.3 Chronology . Batavian emissions? . Production, circulation and deposition of triquetrum coinages in the Batavian river area. Some hypotheses . Conclusion Appendix 6.1: List of sites where triquetrum coins have been found ⁄ . ⁄ . Introduction . Dredged from sand and gravel. History of the finds, the find circumstances, and representativity . Description of the find complex 7.3.1 Swords and scabbards 7.3.2 Spearheads 7.3.3 Other militaria 7.3.4 Belt-hooks 7.3.5 Fibulae 7.3.6 Cauldrons 7.3.7 Socketed axes 7.3.8 Varia 7.3.9 Late Iron Age and Early Roman coins 7.3.10 Human bones 7.3.11 General chronology and wider cultural associations . The Meuse/Waal river junction at Kessel /Lith in the Late Iron Age and Early Roman period . Settlement, cult place or battlefield? Interpretation of the find complex at Kessel/Lith . A monumental Roman temple at Kessel . Grinnes and Vada . The Kessel/Lith settlement from a Northwest-European perspective . Kessel/Lith as a centre of power and a key place in the construction of a Batavian identity group Appendix 7.1: Descriptive catalogue of the metal finds dredged at Kessel/Lith Plates - . Introduction . Roman imperialism and the control of tribal groups in the Germanic frontier . The municipalisation of the civitas Batavorum . Nijmegen as a central place 8.5 The pre-Flavian civitas Batavorum and its relation to coastal tribes in the Rhine/Meuse delta . Civitas organisation and Batavian identity . . The marble head of Julius Caesar from Nijmegen . The Tiberius column from Nijmegen . A fragment of an imperial tabula patronatus (?) from Escharen . Discussion - . Introduction . The Roman army and the cultivation of a Batavian identity . Dominant Roman images of the Batavians . Dominant elements in the self-image of Batavians . Introduction. Myth, history and the construction of collective identities . Evidence for Trojan foundation myths in Gaul and Britain . Hercules as the first civiliser of the Germanic frontier . The cult of Hercules among the Batavians . The appeal of the Roman Hercules and the construction of a Batavian identity . The Hercules sanctuaries and their significance for the construction of a Batavian identity . On the Hercules cult in the other civitates of Lower Germany . Discussion . The ethnogenesis of the Batavians. A summary . From a Batavian people to a Roman civitas ? . The case of the Batavians and ethnogenetic theory The research programme entitled The Batavians. Ethnic identity in a frontier situation was launched at the Archaeological Centre of the Free University (ACVU) in Amsterdam in 1999. Supported by the Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research (NWO), it is scheduled for completion in 2004. The study before you is part of this research programme and aims to provide a synthesis of the formation and earliest beginnings of the Batavian identity group in the context of the Roman empire. I have worked on this book with considerable pleasure over the past few years, and am fortunate to have been able to do so in such a stimulating and supportive environment. I therefore wish to thank all my colleagues at the ACVU for their discussions on the many topics touched on in this book and for their critical comments and advice on draft versions of the individual chapters. In particular I would like to thank Joris Aarts, Ton Derks, Fokke Gerritsen, Jan Kolen, Johan Nicolay, Jan Slofstra, and Ivo Vossen. I highly appreciated the enthusiasm and encouragement which Jan Slofstra has always shown toward my research; I am glad that it was possible for us to work together for several years as colleagues at the same institute. For the illustrations and the final layout of the book I am indebted to Bert Brouwenstijn, who was sometimes assisted by Jaap Fokkema. I would also like to express my appreciation to all the people and institutions that have helped in some way to make the publication of this book possible. I am grateful to Louis Swinkels and Annelies Koster of the Museum het Valkhof in Nijmegen for making photographic material available. Jan Thijssen and Harry van Enckevort provided information about some unpublished finds from Nijmegen. I wish to thank the State Archaeological Service (ROB) in Amersfoort for their warm hospitality during my sabbatical leave in 2003. And I would also like to thank the ROB, and W.J.H. Verwers in particular, for granting permission to publish the architectural remains from Kessel. I am grateful to Kees Peeterse (Pansa BV, Nijmegen) for his suggestions about the reconstruction of the temple of Kessel. Curators of various museums have helped me in my examination of the find material, in particular the Rijksmuseum van Oudheden in Leiden, the Noordbrabants Museum in ’s-Hertogenbosch, Museum het Valkhof in Nijmegen, and the Galloromeins Museum in Tongres. I am indebted to Johannes Heinrichs (Cologne), Simone Scheers (Louvain), Jens Schulze-Forster (Marburg) and Colin Haselgrove (Durham) for discus- sions on interpreting the numismatic material from the Lower Rhine region. I owe a special debt of gratitude to the countless amateur archaeologists who gave me access to their private collections; without them, several chapters in this book could not have been written. And last but not least, I would like to express my appreciation to Annette Visser of Wellington, New Zealand, for translating the bulk of the text into English and for correcting the English of several chap- ters. Nico Roymans, Amsterdam, August 2004 1 Research aims, central concepts and perspectives The primary aim of this study is to arrive at a model of Batavian ethnogenesis in the specific context of the Germanic frontier of the Roman empire. This implies both the reconstruction of ethnogenetic processes and their political context, and an attempt at reconstructing the image and self-image of the Batavian community. With this study I hope to make a contribution to the broader discussion of ethnic- ity and ethnogenesis in antiquity. My approach is a ‘historical-anthropological’ one, employing concepts and insights from both the social and the historical sciences, as well as a micro/macro-perspective that analyses local developments against a broader historical backdrop. I also look at comparative historical research. However, this comparison is not only driven solely by the desire to make generalisations but also by the search for a better understanding of historical specifics. My research focuses on the period from the 1 st century BC to the Batavian revolt in AD 69/70, but this timeframe is broadened where relevant. Why the Batavians? The relative wealth of both historical and archaeological evidence makes them an attractive field of study. Their reputation as troop suppliers to the Roman army and the occasion of the Batavian revolt of 69/70, described at length in the surviving books of Tacitus’ Historiae , has earned them considerable attention in the literary sources. Their role as a soldiering people has created a com- paratively rich database of epigraphic material in the form of epitaphs, votive inscriptions and military diplomas. A great deal of archaeological research has been carried out at the civitas Batavorum , both into its urban and military centre at Nijmegen and the settlements and cemeteries in the countryside. And recently, fundamental advances have been made in numismatic research and the study of public cult places. All this material has enabled us to put together an interesting case study of the Batavians, one which is also relevant for the broader discussion on ethnic identities in the Roman empire. In the context of Dutch archaeology, this book introduces a new field of research that is relevant for the study of both civilian and military aspects of the Lower Rhine frontier zone. . The study of ethnicity occupies a prominent place on research agendas within the disciplines of his- tory and the social sciences, including archaeology. Ethnicity refers to ‘aspects of relationships between groups which consider themselves and are regarded by others, as being culturally distinctive’. 1 Ethnic identity can be expressed inter alia in language, material culture, oral tradition and ritual acts. European archaeology has a long tradition of using ethnic concepts to explain regional patterns and changes in material culture. For a long time, however, this practice was based on false assumptions. In keeping with a normative concept of culture, ethnic groups were depicted as homogeneous, static units, whose specific identity was reflected in material culture. This view of ethnicity, which has its origins in the 19 th century, has been heavily criticised by archaeologists, 2 who use insights from the fields of anthropology, sociology and history in an attempt to redefine the subject. 3 The main insights are that: 1 Eriksen 1993, 4. 2 Cf. Jones 1997; Brather 2000. 3 E.g. Barth 1969; Eriksen 1993; Pohl 1998. a. the identity of ethnic groups is to a large extent based on the notion of a communal past, hence the importance of origin myths. 4 An idiom of kinship is often used to emphasise the social cohesion of a group. A further key aspect of origin myths is their potential to define and legitimise territorial claims, often by explaining how ancestors had acquired a particular territory in the past and had subsequently passed on their rights to the present inhabitants. b. ethnic categories only acquire form and meaning through interaction with outside groups and cannot therefore be studied in isolation. c. ethnic formations are less homogeneous than is often asserted; their assumed unity is generally an ideological construct. d. ethnic identities are essentially subjective categories 5 and often appear contradictory. Individuals belong to numerous, partly overlapping identity groups, to which they refer as circumstances require; 6 the identity that a person assumes or is assigned by others is therefore a ‘situational construct’. 7 e. ethnic formations are not static units; they have always been dynamic over time. 8 f. the relationship between ethnic formations and material culture is anything but unequivocal; in fact it derives from the above insights. In the light of the above, we can define ethnic identity as the temporary resultant of a process of devel- oping collective self-images, attitudes and conduct that takes place in a context of interaction between those directly involved and outsiders. Ethnic identities are by definition subjective, dynamic and situ- ational constructs, which renders their relationship to material culture problematical. In contrast to many other kinds of cultural identity, they are in principle archaeologically intangible, unless combined with contextual historical data. The objective of this study is to elaborate on and operationalise these general principles in the specific case of the Batavians. There is by definition a tension between ethnic identity as an image or representation and as a social reality. As a rule ethnic identities are constructed around a set of clichés, stereotypes and invented histo- ries. They relate to a collective of people who – in interaction with their self-image and the picture that others construct of them – formulate and use rules of belonging, role filling and exclusion. 9 However, ethnic identities refer not only to images but also to actions. Thus we can say that ethnic identities are shaped, managed and modified through constant interaction between the group image and the praxis of individual and collective actions. 10 In terms of my research theme, this means that Batavian identity was created in the forcefield that existed between internal and external perception, between the self-image and the image created by outsiders, and was subsequently labelled and appropriated. We also need to distinguish – now and in the past – different levels of scale within ethnic catego- ries. At the highest level there are large, macro-ethnic entities such as Germans and Gauls. Research has shown that such Grossgruppen were to a large extent Roman constructs that had little significance for 4 Hobsbawm/Ranger 1983. 5 This is not to suggest that the participants did not fre- quently experience ethnicity as a real, meaningful category. 6 For example, apart from being a Batavian in a general sense, the Batavian leader Julius Civilis was a member of the Batavian royal family ( stirps regia ), a Roman army officer and a Roman citizen. These identities are linked with sets of symbols connected inter alia with language, clothing, hair style, and drinking customs. He would also sometimes have been labelled (mainly by Romans) as a German. The identity assumed at a given moment will have depended on the context in which he found him- self. Cf. Slofstra 2002, 29. 7 Geary 1983. 8 Wenskus’ study (1961) on the genesis of the early-medi- eval Germanic gentes is innovative in this respect. He describes a continuous process of the disappearance of ethnicities and the formation of new units (ethnogen- esis). These dynamics must be understood in association with changing socio-political constellations. 9 Frijhoff 1992, 624. 10 Frijhoff 1992, 615. local groups and individuals and that bore no correspondence to political formations. 11 On the other hand, there are small ethnic groupings, which usually equated to tribes. These did function as emic cat- egories and often overlapped with political units. 12 This study deals with a representative of the latter category of small, politicised ethnicities. The epigraphic material reveals that soldiers and civilians from the Gallic and Germanic provinces often referred to a tribal identity in grave or votive inscriptions. Small communities or civitates constituted the primary basis of allegiance, and as such were meaningful catego- ries for individual participants. 13 A special focus of this study is the relationship between the emergence of the Batavians as a political formation and as an ethnic group. Did the one succeed the other? Which group or individuals took the lead in cultivating a Batavian identity? How long did that identity retain its vitality? And what was the role of Roman imperial power? An important point of departure for this study is Wenskus’ ethnogenesis theory and its elaborations by members of the ‘Vienna school’ around Herwig Wolfram and Walter Pohl. 14 Although in essence a discus- sion among historians about ethnic dynamics in the Late Roman period and Early Middle Ages, it is of interest to us in conceptual and methodological terms. These scholars proceed from a strongly politicised concept of ethnicity that builds upon Wenskus’ Traditionskern model, as outlined in his book Stammesbildung und Verfassung (1961). Pohl summarises the model as follows: 15 “Wenskus’s model of ethnicity assumed that a small Traditionskern , a nucleus of tradition (not necessarily a royal family), transmits and propagates ethnic traditions which have the potential of conferring identity on a much larger population. Stammesbildung , termed ‘ethnogenesis’ by later scholars, is the process in which people of quite heterogeneous backgrounds are drawn into a new ethnic community and come to be convinced by such ancient and orally transmitted traditions that they share a common origin and should therefore live according to certain models and norms (called Verfassung , ‘constitution’, by Wenskus).” The model has also been the subject of critical debate. 16 Pohl himself warns that “the image of the kernel implies a misleading sense of solidity and immutability. Rather it was a loose set of groups and networks more or less involved in ethnic practices.” 17 In this study I will be examining the relevance of Wenskus’ ethnogenesis model to the Batavians. A further research theme is the significance of strategies of remembering and forgetting (oblivion) in ethnogenesis processes. The emphasis to date has always been on the role of remembering and, more gen- erally, the historical anchoring of a people’s core values. However, we also need to consider the role of the conscious forgetting – or even destroying – of elements from the past when new collective identities are being constructed. 18 In pre-modern and modern societies, this always seems to have involved a ‘synergy of remembering and forgetting’. I will examine the extent to which Batavian ethnogenesis included – along- side strategies of continuity and remembering – strategies of conscious forgetting and destroying. . The Romans, with their powerful bureaucracy and military apparatus, had a comprehensive system of eth- nic categorisations that structured the world around them. It was based on a centrist geographical model 11 Cf. the recent synthesis by Lund 1998, chapters 2 and 4. 12 In the historical and archaeological literature of the Roman period, tribes are often not regarded as an ethnic category, and a distinction is made between ethnic and tribal affiliations (e.g. Carroll 2001).The term ethnicity is associated primarily – and incorrectly – with Grossgrup- pen like Celts and Germans. 13 Derks 2004. See also Krier 1981; Nouwen 1997. 14 Wenskus 1961; Pohl 1998; Wolfram 1988. 15 Pohl 2002, 221. 16 See Gillett 2002. 17 Pohl 2002, 231. 18 Kolen 2004, chapter 1, section ‘ De temporele structuur van landschappen en de longue durée ’ with a civilised core surrounded by barbarian peoples. In the northwestern frontier these were the Celts and the Germans.To a significant degree the Roman empire gave its own interpretation to these ethnic macro- concepts and continually cultivated them. 19 Under the Roman system, the Batavians were categorised as Germans. They are an example of a newly formed tribe in the empire’s Germanic frontier zone, and a key theme of the present study is the role of the Roman authorities in the ethnogenesis of this group. There were three ways in which Roman imperial policy had a direct impact on ethnic dynamics in the Lower Rhine frontier. Firstly, in a destructive sense through the extreme violence of Caesar’s legions during the conquest of the region. Tribes who were destroyed, like the Eburones and the Aduatuci, van- ished altogether from the political map. Secondly, in a constructive sense through Rome’s direct involve- ment in the creation of new tribal polities, especially the Batavians, the Ubii and the Cugerni. 20 Thirdly, in developing new tribal identities by cultivating the phenomenon of ‘ethnic soldiers’ in the Germanic frontier. Certain groups, particularly the Batavians, were selected for intensive ethnic recruitment. This phenomenon of ‘ethnic soldiers’ within empires can be investigated further by making use of historical analogies. Thus Carol van Driel-Murray has recently looked at the role of the Gurkhas in the former British empire as a means of shedding light on the Batavian situation. 21 Frontiers in general, and Roman frontiers in particular, are interesting because of their ethnic dynam- ics, yet they have rarely been the object of serious study. In the Lower Rhine frontier we are confronted with processes of both ethnogenesis and the dissolution of ethnic groupings. Ethnic dynamics acquired an additional dimension in this region through the permanent stationing of large numbers of foreign troops along the limes , and the settlement of groups of traders and craftsmen from other regions. In the northwest frontier of the imperium Romanum we are also dealing with a Roman authority which itself made extensive use of ethnic labels, giving them a specific interpretation based on the bipolarity between ‘civilisation’ and ‘barbarism’ in Roman cultural discourse. Ideas about the ‘barbarian other’ in this ethnocentric ideology are expressed in the Roman sources on Germans and, more specifically, Batavians. 22 However, it is important not to focus too one-sidedly on the role of Rome in the construction of ethnic identities.The driving force behind ethnic dynamics lay primarily of course in the communities themselves; groups created collective self-images in relation to the Roman empire. These self-images had to be negoti- ated with both internal and external forces, and were continually subject to change. In addition, individuals as well as entire groups could abandon traditional ethnic affiliations and assume other identities. . , . . The purpose of this study is to arrive at a model of Batavian ethnogenesis. Fundamentally, we have two types of evidence at our disposal – historical and archaeological. Neither can be interpreted in a simple straightforward way, yet each requires a specific methodology, which I will briefly explain here. The literary works of classical authors, and Tacitus in particular, are an important – though not unproblematic – source for the study of Batavian ethnicity. Historians point to problems of interpreta- tion when studying ethnicity on the basis of literary sources. After all, the texts themselves are an instru- ment of Roman ethnic discourse and, in the case of the early-medieval period, ethnicity has even been regarded as a primarily literary construction.23 I use Roman reports primarily to gain insights into how 19 See chapter 3.3. 20 See chapter 3. 21 Van Driel-Murray 2003, who was inspired in particular by a study of the American sociologist Cynthia H. Enloe (Enloe 1980). 22 Cf. Bazelmans 1991; Roymans 1996, 100 ff. 23 Cf. Gillett 2002, 14. the Romans, especially the administrative and military elite, wished to see the Batavians. 24 I also use them to reconstruct the historical contexts in which Batavian ethnogenesis occurred. One methodological problem we face is whether literary sources can serve as a basis for claims about the Batavian self-image. Although they clearly cannot provide us with any direct information, I would like to use an indirect route to say something on the subject. I proceed from the assumption that Roman image-forming about the Batavians constituted a key point of reference for the latter group when it came to defining themselves. Thus we can assume that the Batavian view of themselves was in part a response to the Germanic stereotype constantly applied to them by the Romans. 25 To what extent can archaeological data be used to gain insights into Batavian ethnicity? Archaeol- ogy has a long tradition of ethnische Deutung , based on ‘ethnic ascription theory’, which stemmed from romantic 19 th -century ideas about the relationship between people and material culture. In the past decade this approach has been heavily criticised and deconstructed. 26 I am one of those archaeologists who claim that ethnic identities cannot be identified solely on the basis of material culture. Attaching archaeological substance to historically transmitted ethnic macro-concepts like ‘Gauls’ and ‘Germans’ is also fraught with risk, given that they were largely Roman creations that had little value as self-ascriptive, emic concepts for individuals or groups. Only in combination with historically transmitted contexts can archaeology make a positive contribution to the discussion on ethnicity; ethnic groups and their territo- ries must thereby be historically documented. For the Roman period I see particular potential for tribal ethnicities, which were generally significant categories for individuals. However, it is not a simple matter of identifying correlations between ethnic groups and spatial patterns in material culture (house types, types of pottery, etc.). Ethnic groups should not be seen as monolithic cultural entities. It is therefore often impossible to indicate the extent to which groups used material culture to define boundaries with outside groups. Archaeology can contribute to the study of ethnicity in other ways, however, and this is something I wish to elaborate on in this case study of the Batavians. Archaeology can inform us about themes that the Romans failed to see in Batavian ethnicity. Firstly, Roman archaeology (compared with the archaeology of the early-medieval period) has access to a unique category of sources, namely epigraphic material and in particular private votive inscriptions and epitaphs. These give us unique insights into how individual Batavians defined themselves in ethnic terms. Here I am able to make use of a study by Derks, which presents a catalogue of 62 people (almost all soldiers), who explicitly claim a Batavian origin. 27 The epigraphic material demonstrates that Batavian ethnicity was not simply a Roman literary construction, but that it also had real meaning for individuals as an emic ascrip- tive label. We could ask numerous questions about the epigraphic material. In what kind of social contexts did individuals assert their Batavian origin? Were there changes over time in the way in which people reported their origin? Why did references to a Batavian identity disappear during the 3 rd century? Secondly, iconographic data is relevant, in combination with inscriptions. Figurative representations on the gravestones of auxiliary soldiers from Lower Rhine tribes tell us something about how they saw themselves. Gravestones depicting them as a Roman cavalry soldier vanquishing a barbarian warrior, reveal that they were emphatically distancing themselves from the barbarian ‘other’. 28 Thirdly, research into Batavian public sanctuaries and associated cults offers us insights into ethnic self-definitions. Our starting point is the general pattern of ethnic group identity being anchored in a mythical past, and of political integration into the Roman empire often going hand in hand with the creation of new origin myths. 29 It was in the public cult places that such origin myths were cultivated 24 See chapter 10.3. Cf. Dench 1995 on different ways of seeing of peoples in the Central Apennines in Early Roman Italy. 25 See chapter 10.4. 26 Cf. Jones 1997; Brather 2000. 27 Derks 2004. See also chapter 12. 28 See chapter 10.4. 29 Cf. Derks 1998, 101. The emergence of public cults of syncretised native and Roman gods in many Gallic civitates may be linked to the incorporation of Rome’s mythical past into that of the local community. and linked to ethnic practices. Particularly deserving of our attention are the sanctuaries dedicated to a tribe’s principal deity. Although historical sources have nothing to say on the subject with regard to the Batavians, there are a host of inscriptions that reveal Hercules Magusanus to be the chief deity: the most important temples were dedicated to him. Chapter 11 argues that Hercules had everything to do with negotiating a Batavian identity in the Roman world. His sanctuaries were probably key sites in the symbolic construction of the Batavian community. 30 Fourthly, archaeology has a vital contribution to make to a contextual approach to Batavian ethnicity and ethnogenesis. The central aim is not to propose ethnic ascriptions of material culture, but to analyse the political, economic and religious contexts in which processes of ethnogenesis and ethnicity construc- tion must be understood. This study presents examples of analyses of distribution patterns for certain cat- egories of artefact – such as types of swords, fibulae or belt hooks – in the Lower Rhineland; these tell us about networks of social relations of a regional and interregional nature. Late Iron Age coins represent a special category of artefacts as they were issued by a tribal authority, and thus are the direct outcome of a 30 On the role of central places, particularly cult places, in the symbolic construction of early-medieval groups, see Theuws 2003. ������ ����� ����� ����� ����� ���� ����� ����� ����� ����� ����� ������ ������ ����� ����� ������ ���� ���� ��� �������� ������ ������ ��������� ������ ���������� �������������������� �������� �������� ���� �������� ��������� ������ ����� ������ �������� ���� ���������� ���������� Fig. 1.1. Chronological scheme of the Late Iron Age and the Early Roman period in the Lower Rhine region. political decision. I will investigate the extent to which Lower Rhine silver and copper triquetrum coinages can be considered Batavian emissions, in the sense that they were issued by a Batavian political authority. Their distribution tells us something about internal social networks, as well as networks vis-à-vis the out- side world. The study of the circulation and deposition of Roman militaria in civilian contexts alerts us to the importance of a martial ideology in the Batavian self-image. 31 Recent research into the distribution of bronze seal-boxes and writing materials has led to important conclusions about the spread of Latin and Latin literacy among the rural Batavian population. 32 These contradict the general stereotypical image of Germans as unlettered barbarians in the literary sources. A final example concerns the study of the distri- bution of glass La Tène arm rings in the Lower Rhineland. This suggests a considerable degree of demo- graphic and cultural continuity from the Late La Tène period into the Augustan-Tiberian period, and thus supports the claim that the Batavians arose from a fusion of indigenous and immigrant groups. 33 I hope to be able to demonstrate in this study that, subject to the availability of contextual historical frameworks, archaeological research is well-placed to make fundamental contributions to the discussion on Batavian ethnicity and ethnogenesis in the Roman empire’s Lower Rhine frontier. It is largely a mat- ter of taking the available data and asking the right questions. . I have opted for a chronological structure for the book, with a focus on the ‘key period’ 50 BC – AD 70. These boundaries have been determined by Caesar’s departure from Gaul and the end of the Batavian revolt. Where relevant, however, I have used a broader timeframe. Chapters 2, 3 and 4 deal mainly with social developments in the pre-Roman period preceding Batavian ethnogenesis. Chapters 5 to 9 address the formation of the Batavian polity and its earliest transformations. Chapters 10 and 11 analyse the Batavian image and self-image in the 1 st century AD. A summary and final discussion is presented in chapter 12. The structure of the text is also determined by the nature of the sources. I have chosen to present historical and archaeological data separately, as each has a different story to tell. The result is an alterna- tion of chapters that are primarily historical (3, 5, 8, 10, 11) with ones that are primarily archaeological (2, 7, 9) or numismatic (4, 6). In three chapters the emphasis is on the presentation of new archaeological evidence that is central to the discussion on Batavian ethnogenesis: numismatic material in chapters 4 and 6, and evidence for a hitherto unknown central place in the Batavian region in chapter 7. 31 Roymans 1996, 28 ff.; Nicolay 2001; idem 2004. 32 Derks/Roymans 2002. 33 Cf. chapter 2.5 and 3.2.