Göttingen University Press Youth at the Crossroads Discourses on Socio-Cultural Change in Post-War Northern Uganda Julia Vorhölter Göttingen Series in Social and Cultural Anthropology Julia Vorhölter Youth at the Crossroads This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International License. Published in 2014 by Göttingen University Press as volume 7 in “Göttingen Series in Social and Cultural Anthropology” This series is a continuation of “ Göttinger Beiträge zur Ethnologie ” Julia Vorhölter Youth at the Crossroads Discourses on Socio-Cultural Change in Post-War Northern Uganda Volume 7 Göttingen Series in Social and Cultural Anthropology Göttingen University Press 2014 Bibliographische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliographie; detaillierte bibliographische Daten sind im Internet über <http://dnb.ddb.de> abrufbar. “Göttingen Series in Social and Cultural Anthropology” Editors Prof. Dr. Elfriede Hermann Prof. Dr. Andrea Lauser Prof. Dr. Roman Loimeier Prof. Dr. Nikolaus Schareika Institute of Social and Cultural Anthropology Georg-August-Universität Göttingen Theaterplatz 15 D-37073 Göttingen This work is protected by German Intellectual Property Right Law. It is also available as an Open Access version through the publisher’s homepage and the Göttingen University Catalogue (GUK) (http://www.sub.uni-goettingen.de). The conditions of the license terms of the online version apply. Set and layout: Steffen Herrmann Cover: Friedlind Riedel Cover picture: Lioba Lenhart © 2014 Göttingen University Press http://univerlag.uni-goettingen.de ISBN: 978-3-86395-169-6 ISSN: 2199-5346 For Lisa Contents Acknowledgements ....................................................................................... 13 1. Introduction ........................................................................................17 Prolog: Barbra’s Dream .............................................................................18 1.1. The War in Northern Uganda: Insecurity, Displacement & ‘Cultural Breakdown’ ...............................................................................................21 1.2. Growing up in Times of War: Acholi Youth ............................................ 23 1.3. Key Research Questions, Objectives & Hypotheses ................................. 25 1.4. State of the Art: Past & Contemporary Debates in the Anthropology of Youth ............................................................................ 28 1.4.1. History of Youth Research in Anthropology .................................. 28 1.4.2. Defining Youth: Conceptual Challenges & Debates ...................... 30 8 Julia Vorhölter: Youth at the Crossroads 1.5. Defining Youth in Northern Uganda ....................................................... 36 1.6. State of the Art: Contemporary Debates on Youth & Socio-Cultural Change in Africa ..................................................................................... 39 1.6.1. Victims or Agents? Makers or Breakers? .........................................41 1.6.2. Tradition & Modernity, Africa & the West ................................... 44 1.7. Specific Contribution of my Research ...................................................... 46 1.8. Analytical Framework.............................................................................. 48 1.8.1. Foucauldian Discourse Analysis .................................................... 48 1.8.2. Power-Knowledge .......................................................................... 50 1.8.3. Discourse & Power as Analytical Concepts ....................................52 1.9. Structure of the Book .............................................................................. 58 2. ‘My Field’ – Changing Perceptions of Research in a Post-War Setting ..................................................................................61 2.1. Entering ‘The Field’ ................................................................................. 62 2.2. Reflecting the Notion of ‘Field’................................................................ 66 2.3. Fieldwork in Gulu: Basic Overview of Research Methods.........................67 2.4. Progress of Fieldwork ............................................................................... 70 2.5. Biases Inherent in my Research Approach.................................................74 3. The War in Northern Uganda – Conflicting Interpretations ............. 77 3.1. Different Accounts of Ugandan History from the Perspective of the Sociology of Knowledge ........................................................................... 78 3.2. Colonial Times: Dominant Interpretative Schemes ................................. 83 3.3. Critical Debates on Colonial History....................................................... 85 3.4. Postcolonial Developments: Dominant Interpretative Schemes & Critical Debates ....................................................................................... 88 3.5. Critical Debates on the Lead-up to the War............................................. 92 3.6. The War in Northern Uganda.................................................................. 94 9 3.7. Critical Debates on the War: Official Discourse versus Counter Discourse ................................................................................... 98 3.7.1. The Role of the LRA ....................................................................102 3.7.2. The Role of Museveni, the NRM Government & the UPDF .......108 3.8. Concluding Remarks – Changing Hegemonies of Interpretation............109 4. “Our Culture is getting lost!” – Pre- & Post-War Representations of Acholi Culture ....................................................113 4.1. Acholi Culture 2.0 ..................................................................................114 4.2. The Miss Acholi Contest – Extracts from my Field Notes .......................118 4.3. Pre-war Ethnographies: Representations of the Ideal Acholi Society ...... 122 4.3.1. The Origin(s) of the Acholi .......................................................... 122 4.3.2. Socio-political Organization ........................................................ 124 4.3.3. Social Organization & Family Life .............................................. 130 4.3.4. Economic System ........................................................................ 136 4.3.5. Religious & Spiritual Beliefs .........................................................140 4.3.6. External Influences & Socio-Cultural Changes before the War ....144 4.4. The Situation in the Camps & the Perceived Effects on Acholi Culture ...................................................................................................147 4.4.1. Economic Sphere: Impoverishment & Loss of Former Living Standards ..........................................................................150 4.4.2. Social Sphere: Increase in Gender & Generational Conflicts ........152 4.4.3. Political Sphere: Foreign Occupation & Loss of Self-Determination .......................................................................157 4.4.4. Ethical Sphere: Loss of Morals, Respect & Values ........................159 4.5. Contemporary Attempts to Reconstruct “Traditional Acholi Culture”................................................................................................. 164 4.5.1. The Revival of Traditional Authorities: Rwodi Moo & Ker Kwaro Acholi .........................................................................165 4.5.2. The Revival of Traditional Justice & the Reconciliation Ritual Mato Oput ...................................................................................168 4.5.3. The Revival of Traditional Dances................................................171 4.6. Concluding Remarks: Contemporary Discourses on Acholi Culture ......179 10 Julia Vorhölter: Youth at the Crossroads 5. Between “Tradition” & “Modernity” Cultural Styles & Discourses on Socio-Cultural Change Among the War Generation in Urban Gulu ...............................................................183 5.1. Youth Perspectives on Socio-Cultural Change ........................................184 5.2. Hip Hop Contest at Herm’s Club – Extracts from my Field Notes .........188 5.3. Characteristics of the War Generation ....................................................193 5.3.1. Similarities of the War Generation ...............................................194 5.3.2. Differences within the War Generation ....................................... 200 5.4. Youth Practices & Cultural Styles .......................................................... 205 5.5. Discourses on Socio-Cultural Change among the War Generation – Four Positions ........................................................................................ 208 5.5.1. The Retraditionalization Discourse: Idealization of Tradition & the Past ....................................................................................213 5.5.2. The Modernization Discourse: Idealization of Life in the West ....216 5.5.3. The Ambivalent Discourse: Uncertainty in the Face of Change ........................................................................................ 220 5.5.4. The Creative Discourse: “Translating” Acholi Culture................. 222 5.6. Concluding Remarks: The Positioning of Youth in Post-War Acholi Society ........................................................................................ 227 6. Westernization versus Neocolonialism Representations of “Africa” & “The West” in Debates on Aid, Capitalism & Sexuality .................................................................. 229 6.1. Dissecting Acholi & Ugandan Notions of “The West”........................... 230 6.2. Simon’s Story – Extracts from my Field Notes ....................................... 233 6.3. Discourses on Westernization in the Context of Aid, Modernization & Generational Change......................................................................... 237 6.4. Discourses on Westernization in Relation to Gender, Kinship & Sexual Relations..................................................................................... 244 6.4.1. ‘Western Models’ as Threats? ....................................................... 246 6.4.2. Discourses on Westernization as Forms of Internal Social Critique ....................................................................................... 254 6.5. Neocolonialism Discourses & the Debate about the “Anti-Homosexuality Bill” ......................................................................256 11 6.6. Discourses on Sexuality as Instruments of Power ................................... 260 6.7. Concluding Remarks: Sexuality, “Africa” and “The West” as Strategic Fields & Figures in Discourses on Socio-Cultural Change ...... 263 7. Conclusion: Negotiating Socio-Cultural Change & the Future of Acholi Society ................................................................................... 265 7.1. Two Conversations – Extracts from my Field Notes............................... 267 7.2. Discourses on Socio-Cultural Change in the Context of Generational, Gendered & Globalized Power Dynamics ....................... 271 7.2.1. Generational Conflicts & Power Relations .................................. 272 7.2.2. Gendered & Sexualized Power Relations ..................................... 277 7.2.3. Local-Global Power Relations ..................................................... 280 7.3. Youth at the Crossroads – In Post-War Acholiland & Beyond ................ 283 8. References......................................................................................... 289 9. Appendix ...........................................................................................321 9.1. Acronyms............................................................................................... 322 9.2. Acholi Terms ......................................................................................... 324 9.3. Figures ....................................................................................................325 9.3.1. Figure 1: Map of Uganda, including Acholi Sub-Region ..............325 9.3.2. Figure 2: Map of Uganda, including major towns & neighboring countries .................................................................. 326 9.3.3. Figure 3:................................................................................... Socio-Demographic Characteristics, Acholi Districts, 2010 Survey ................................................................................. 327 9.3.4. Figure 4: Urban Population Development in Uganda – Selected Towns ............................................................................ 328 9.4. List of Interviews ....................................................................................329 9.4.1. Interview with Acholi Elder ..........................................................329 9.4.2. Interviews with Acholi Youth .......................................................329 9.4.3. Interviews with NGO-Representatives .........................................331 9.4.4. Group Interviews in Rural Areas .................................................332 9.5. Short Biography of Most Important Interlocutors ...................................333 Acknowledgements The realization of this dissertation project would not have been possible without the support of several ‘companions’. Some accompanied me all along, others walked with me only part of the road, but in their different ways they all helped me to navi- gate through the maze of crossroads which are part of every dissertation project. My special thanks go to the following people. First of all, I would like to thank my supervisors and academic mentors who guided me through the process of imagining and realizing this work. Particularly, I would like to thank Roman Loimeier for his guidance, his trust and for the freedom he gave me to experiment with theories and styles of ‘doing anthropology’ throughout what one may call a period of ‘academic adolescence’. I am also very grateful to Roman for the excellent working conditions in terms of contract, colleagueship and institutional embeddedness he provided me with throughout my time as a PhD student and, in fact, beyond. Roman, it was during my defense that I realized the full scale of your loyalty and support – thank you so much for everything! 14 Julia Vorhölter: Youth at the Crossroads I would like to thank Elfriede Hermann for encouraging me and supporting me with her advice in various, critical stages of my work and especially for openly criticizing and persuading me to revise once again what I thought at the time was my final version of the dissertation. Furthermore, I would like to thank Gabriele Rosenthal for ‘adopting’ me as a doctoral student in the early stages of my work, for introducing me to the scientific community and the ‘real life’ of academia in her colloquium and by inviting me to present at what was to be my first international conference, and for always being a trusted advisor. I would also like to thank Ulrich Braukämper for enabling me to begin this dissertation project in the first place and for his friendliness and support whenever I was in need of help or advice. Second, I would like to thank the many different people who read and revised (parts of ) my text. Specifically, I would like to thank Cristian Alvarado Leyton, Bi- anca Volk and Jovan Maud. Cristian, thank you so much for all your valuable and radical comments to the final draft, and for all our battles and raps about anthropol- ogy, positivism and the proto-type! Bianca, thanks for your uncountable amounts of advice not only on dissertation-related problems and for the many memorable moments we shared in our daily struggles with life as lecturers and doctoral stu- dents. Jovan, cheers mate for always having an open ear for my “English questions” and for all our inspiring conversations, challenging discussions and theoretical de- bates. Furthermore, I would like to thank all members of the legendary “Dok-AG”, specifically Sascha Kesseler, Paul Christensen, Meike Rieger, Jelka Günther, Jannik Schritt, Viola Thimm, Antonie Walther and Judith Moneke-Schmidt, who critically commented on and passionately debated most of my chapters and who were close companions all along. Many thanks go to all of my colleagues at the Institute of Social and Cultural Anthropology in Göttingen. In particular, I want to mention Hans Reithofer who through his sympathetic, supportive and humorous manner makes working life at the Institute so enjoyable. In Uganda, I would like to thank all the people who supported me during my research – as friends, colleagues and interlocutors. Specifically, I would like to thank Lioba Lenhart for her friendship and companionship, for discussing and helping to facilitate several of my research activities, and for sharing her long-term experiences as anthropologist, researcher and ‘Gulu local’ with me. Apwoyo matek to Akello and her family – for your kindness and hospitality, for welcoming me into the family and for sharing with me so many experiences and aspects of Acholi life in Gulu. Fred, apwoyo for our good and challenging discussions. Ruth, apwoyo for introduc- ing me to so many people and events in Gulu and beyond. Simon, apwoyo for being such an authentic, open-hearted and funny hip hopper, traditional dancer and in- terlocutor. Opio, Williams and the guys, apwoyo for the many enjoyable and victori- ous quiz-nights at BJz. Florence, apwoyo pwonyo ki loko leb Acholi! Joseph, yoga for sharing your inspiring and poetic ideas. I would also like to give special thanks to all the people at Gulu Youth Centre, to the members of the Gulu Theatre Artists and the Gulu Talking Straight Project and to my colleagues and students at the Institute of Peace and Strategic Studies. 15 Finally, I would like to thank my family and two very close and special friends, Laura Glauser and Martin Morlock, who gave me the support and encouragement necessary to start and finish this dissertation, and who suffered with me and had to suffer because of me during times of dissertation-related crises. I owe a great deal to my parents Karin and Bernd and to my sister Lisa who always believed in me and gave me the confidence to follow my aspirations in life. Thank you for your trust and your unconditional support! Laura, we have come such a long way since our first meeting as anthropology students in Hamburg and it is incredible how closely our paths to becoming ‘real anthropologists’ have been interwoven. I am so happy and grateful for all that we have shared during this time! Martin, I thank you and I truly admire you for your patience, your tolerance and your emotional support particularly during the last months of my work. I am grate- ful for the road we have traveled together – with all its bumps, unexpected turns and crossroads – and I am looking forward to the post-dissertation future! Göttingen, April 2014 Note on Research Context and Sponsors I wrote this dissertation while being employed as a Wissenschaftliche Mitarbeiterin at the Institute of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Georg-August-University Göt- tingen. During my field research in Uganda, I was affiliated with the Institute of Peace and Strategic Studies of Gulu University, where I also taught as a part-time lecturer. My research in Uganda was partly financed by a scholarship from the German Academic Exchange Service (DAAD). I would like to thank all of these institutions for their financial, administrative and logistical support without which my research would not have been possible. Introduction 1. This study is based on eleven months of field research carried out in Gulu Munici- pality, Northern Uganda, between August 2009 and February 2011. Since 2006, Northern Uganda has been recovering from a 20-year war. In the current post-war phase, different social actors are trying to ‘rebuild’ 1 Acholi society and ‘normal- ize’ societal relations, which they believe have been heavily disrupted through the war and particularly the war-related, large-scale displacement of Acholi people into refugee camps. Imaginations of a post-war society are contested and negotiated – between youth and elders, men and women as well as local and international actors. While some try to re-establish former practices and conventions, others attempt to establish new social structures, values and norms. Discourses and debates on 1 Throughout this book, I use quotation marks for a number of different reasons. I use double quotation marks to quote a) technical or analytical terms as well as longer passages of text from the literature and b) terms and expressions from the emic discourse. I use single quotation marks to denote so-called scare quotes, i.e. to emphazise that I use a word or expression in an unusual, non-standard way or to imply skepticism or disagreement with the quoted terminology. 18 Julia Vorhölter: Youth at the Crossroads retraditionalization versus modernization and “Westernization” 2 are widespread, and, depending on the issue discussed, the context, and the power constellations involved, speakers switch between different positions. My research project studies these ongoing negotiations and discourses from the perspectives of urban youth. I analyze how members of the generation that was born and grew up during the years of the war perceive and evaluate the socio-cultural changes Acholi society is seen to be undergoing, how they imagine their future so- ciety and how they picture their role in this future society. By discussing aspirations and agency, predicaments and problems of the young people in Gulu, my study contributes to the growing field of youth research in Africa. In this introduction, I will outline my key research questions and explain my approach to studying youth and discourses on socio-cultural change. In order to contextualize my research, I give some background information on the war and post-war situation in Northern Uganda and the state of the art of youth research in anthropology with particular focus on contemporary debates on youth and socio- cultural change in Africa. I explain how my research contributes to these fields of study. Finally, I discuss my analytical framework and present an overview of the chapters which make up this book. First, however, I would like to introduce the reader to my ‘field’ and my topic of research by presenting a short anecdote from my field notes. Prolog: Barbra’s Dream I will start by telling you a dream. It is not my dream, but the dream of Barbra, a 13-year old Acholi girl, the daughter of a friend of mine. We, that is Lioba, Flor- ence, her four children Barbra, Eunice, Solomon and Elizabeth 3 and me, are sitting at our favorite pork-eating place, locally referred to as “pork joint”, at the outskirts of Gulu town centre. It is the first day of the long school holidays and we have de- cided to treat the children to a pork dinner. It is already dark. The moon and the faded lights from the pork grill are shining over to where we are sitting, on an open 2 Throughout this book, I use terms like “Westernization”, “Western” and “the West” in the way they are commonly applied in Uganda. “The West” usually refers to (Northern) America and (Western/Central) Europe. More important than the spatial references, however, are the ideologi- cal implications of the terms. “Western” is often used as analogous to modern, and as antonym to traditional. As Ferguson (2006: 6) argues for the concept of “Africa”, the “West” marks both a location in space and a rank in a system of hierarchical social categories. I have put “Western” (etc.) in quotation marks only in those cases where I quote a particular expression from the emic discourse or the literature (double quotation marks) or to emphasize that the application of the term should be treated with caution (single quotation marks). 3 I have listed and provided some background information on my most important interlocutors in the appendix.