A Mamluk Letter of 877/1473 Author(s): John Wansbrough Source: Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Vol. 24, No. 2 (1961), pp. 200-213 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of School of Oriental and African Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/610166 Accessed: 01/01/2010 11:39 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. School of Oriental and African Studies and Cambridge University Press are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London. http://www.jstor.org A MAMLUK LETTER OF 877/1473 By JOHNWANSBROUGH (PLATES I-IV) A MONG the numerous Islamic documents preserved in the Venetian State Archives are a few which come from the chancery of Mamluk Egypt. One of the most interesting of these is a letter from Sultan Qaitbay to the Doge Nicolo Trono, dated 10 Sha'ban 877/10 January 1473,1 which is to be presented here in its original Arabic together with a contemporary Italian translation found in the enormous diplomatic register known as the Libri Commemoriali.2 The translations of foreign documents in the Commemorialican be regarded as ' official' as distinguished from the 'working copies' of such translations often produced abroad for the reference of Venetian consuls and haphazardly preserved in private archives.3 It appears that translations were not written and kept for all foreign documents. A marginal note, added by the scribe who entered the translation of Qaitbay's letter in the Commemoriali,indicates a repository in the Venetian archives for other Arabic documents of which only the originals were preserved (' Mandata vero et concessiones ipsius Sultani in arabico autentica sunt reposita et reservata in bancho in quo servantur alie omnes scripture recepte, et hoc quia non sunt traducte in latinum').4 It is particularly fortunate that we possess the Italian translation of Qaitbay's letter, because it contains also a portion of the text which has been lost in the original, whose upper part has been torn off and is missing. It is the part which contained the Sultan's titles, of which by collating the Italian text with the titles of the Mamluk Sultans preserved in Arabic sources, an at least tentative reconstruction is possible. These sources are documents, inscriptions, handbooks of chancery practice, and the Mamluk chronicles with their occa- sional instances of rulers' titles.5 Possibly in the lost portion there figured above 1 Archivio di Stato di Venezia (ASV), Documenti turchi, busta 15. The letter is mentioned by A. Bombaci, 'La collezione di documenti turchi dell'Archivio di Stato di Venezia ', Rivista degli Studi Orientali, xxIv, 1949, 97; and summarized by him in his ' Regesti dei documenti turchi' still in typescript at the Archives. The letter was also briefly described and partly translated into German by Subhi Labib, ' Ein Brief des Mamluken Sultans Qa'itbey ', Der Islam, xxxII, 3, 1957, 324-9. 2 ASV, Libri Commemoriali, xvI, fol. 74. For the contents of this register and the nature of the documents of which its entries are copies, see R. Predelli's introductory chapter to vol. I of his Regesti dei Libri Commemoriali, Venice, 1876 (these are brief summaries of the entries). Bombaci refers to the translation in his ' Regesti'. Labib does not mention it. 3 Such as, for example, are the Italian translations of the Mamluk-Venetian treaties of 1442 and 1512, of which I am preparing an edition. 4 I have been informed by the Venetian archivists that this receptacle must have been destroyed by fire, probably in 1574 when the archives were still housed in the Ducal Palace. See A. Bombaci, 'Collezione', RSO, xxIv, 1949, 98. 5 See the inscriptions collected in M. van Berchem, Materiaux pour un Corpus inscriptionum Arabicarum, Cairo, 1894-1930 (especially I, pt. 2, pp. 326-7, 431-9, 460-4, 469-89, 492-501, 514-26, 673-8, 748-50; in E. Combe, J. Sauvaget, and G. Wiet, Repertoire chronologique d'epigraphie arabe, Cairo, 1931-56 (Mamluk inscriptions begin vol. xI, p. 212); in J. Sauvaget, 'Decrets mamelouks', Bulletin d'Itudes Orientales (Paris), II, 1932, 1-52, III, 1933, 1-29, xII, A MAMLUK LETTER OF 877/1473 the titles the cipher ('aldma or tughra) of Qaitbay, as shown by various of his decrees.1 Comparison of the translation with the original letter provides interesting evidence of the practices of translators of the time.2 The numerous instances of imprecision in the Italian rendering of the Arabic are indicated in the notes to the texts. Here shall be discussed three points in which the translation differs principally from the original. First, the Venetian envoy to Cairo to whom the latter only refers as such is mentioned in the translation by full name. Qaitbay's letter appears to be a reply to one received from the Doge. The fact that we are told the name of the envoy who forwarded the correspondence helps to place the letter in the history of Mamluk-Venetian relations. Giovanni Emo received instructions from the Senate on 22 July 1472.3 One of the points which he was to bring to the attention of the Sultan concerned the purity of the pepper exported from Egypt (' Materiam insuper piperis quod nostris datur humefactum et terra lapidusque plenum memora et recense'), the only one of the Doge's questions which as we shall see the Sultan troubled himself to answer in his reply. Qaitbay's silence with regard to the two further and major portions of the instructions, wrongs suffered by Venetian merchants in Syria and a proposed alliance between Venice and Uzun Hasan, is surprising but perhaps not impossible to explain. It is not unlikely that the oppression of the Venetians in Syria was the consequence of the Sultan having learned of the Venetian-Aq Qoyunlu negotiations. Rumours of an alliance had provoked anxiety at the Mamluk court where it was reported that an offensive was to be directed against both the Ottoman Turks and the Mamluks.4 Emo was instructed not to touch upon the subject unless it were mentioned by the Sultan and, in that event, to say that the negotiations were concerned solely with a 1947-8, 5-60; the treaties and letters addressed to the Republic of Florence in M. Amari, I diplomi arabi nel R. Archivio Fiorentino, Florence, 1863, pp. 165, 181, 184, 221-2 ; to the kings of Castile and Aragon in M. Alarc6n y Sant6n and Ram6n Garcia de Linares, Los documentos arabes diplomdticos del Archivo de la Corona de Aragon, Madrid-Granada, 1940, pp. 335, 350, 355, 360, 365; to the Republic of Ragusa in G. Elezovi6, Turski spomenici (Belgrade), I, pt. 2, 1952, pp. 168, 175-6 ; and in the 72 decrees edited by H. Ernst, Die mamlukischenSultansurkun- den des Sinai-Klosters, Wiesbaden, 1960; an example for general use in correspondence with Christian rulers in Qalqashandi, Subh al-a'shd, Cairo, 1920, vIII, p. 25 (French translation in H. Lammens, ' Correspondence diplomatiques entre les mamelouks et les puissances chr6tiens', Revue de l'Orient Chretien, ix, 1904). 1 See W. Bj6rkman; Beitrdge zur Geschichte der Staatskanzlei im islamischen Agypten, Hamburg, 1928, 95. Facsimiles of Qaitbay's 'aldma are published in B. Moritz, Beitrdge zur Geschichtedes Sinai-Klosters im Mittelalter, Berlin, 1918, pl. I (reproduced in P. Wittek, ' Notes sur la tughra ottomane ', Byzantion, xx, 1950, pl. ii, fig. 8); and A. S. Atiya, The Arabic manu- scripts of Mount Sinai, Baltimore, 1955, pl. xvc. 2 For a discussion of some European translations of Ottoman Turkish documents see P. Wittek, 'The Turkish documents in Hakluyt's " Voyages "', Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, xix, 1943, 121-39. 3 ASV, Senato deliberazioni secrete, xxv, fol. 142. 4 Ibn Iyas, Badd'i' al-zuhiir (ed. Kahle-Mustafa), Cairo, 1936, III, p. 84. For an extensive discussion of Venetian-Aq Qoyuinlu relations, see G. Berchet, La repubblica di Venezia e la Persia, Turin, 1865. A similar incident occurred in 1510 when the Mamluk Sultan learned of an alliance between Venice and Shah Isma'il, see Ibn Iyas, Badd'i', iv, 191, 205. 201 VOL. XXIV. PART 2. 15 J. WANSBROUGH possible alliance against the Ottomans (' Si de Usono Cassano tibi alique fierit mention et de missione nostri ad eum oratoris tu optime rem omnem intelligis sed tamen hec pauca verba tibi memorabimus. Dicas igitur prefatum Illustris- simum dominum misisse ad nos superioribus mensibus unum eius oratorem ut ad eos quos in bello cum Ottomano hoste suo intelligebant, et hortatus est ut ilium hos quoque mitteremus oratorem nostrum quem pro complacendo et honorando Excelsum suam misimus non pro displicendo aut offendendo que in aliquo Celsitudinem suam'). Although Qaitbay did not mention the alliance in his letter it was very likely the subject of the verbal message to which he refersthere (paragraphXII).1 This supposition finds some confirmation in the letter which the Doge wrote on 5 July 1473, reassuring the Sultan that only the Ottomans were the object of the Venetian negotiations with Uzun Hasan and insisting that Venetian merchants not be held responsible for hostilities directed by the latter against the Sultan (' Non negeremo anzi apertamente confesseremo esser vero che ritrovandossi nui in guerra aperta cum el Signor Turcho, havemo ricerchato ogni via de nuocerli como lui ha fato e fa a nui, et como vuol la raxon de la bona guerra. Et certo come a nui tal testamento et amicizia facto cum lo Illustrissimo Usson Cassam, inimicho de lo inimicho nostro, e iusta honesta e laudabile, cussi che per questo vostra Celsitudine se renda ale persone et haverne [dei] nostri mercadanti infesta et acerba, non puo esser a nui se non singularamente molesta e despiacevele. Et sel predicto Illustrissimo Signor Usson per iniuria che ali apari haver ricevute da li vostri ha contra vostra Celsitudine facto o facesse cossa alcuna, non e perho iusto ne honesto che la colpa sia data a nui ne retenuti i mercadanti nostri, i pensieri de i quali al tuto sono stati dezo alieni, et directi in onfexa solamente de le othoman nostro accerrimo inimicho e non de la Illustrissima Signoria vostra ').2 Another difference between the two texts is the enumeration in the Italian of the Sultan's gifts to the Doge. There is in the Arabic (paragraph XIII) a reference to a separate list (qd'ima)of gifts, which was attached to the letter and apparently mislaid in Venice. The presents were those usually sent by the Mamluk Sultans to European rulers, and also usually listed on a separate sheet rather than described in the text of the letter.3 A further point in the comparison of the two texts is the concluding phrase (paragraph XIII) wa allUh al-muwaffq bi-mannihi wa karamihi in sha' alldh ta'dld, which is rendered in the Italian 'E dio sia quello che ve convertissa '. It was not uncommon for letters from Muslim to Christian rulers to include an ambiguous phrase which could be interpreted as a wish for the conversion of the Christian to Islam. It was usually altered or omitted altogether in 1 The roman numerals refer to the paragraphs into which I have divided the text of the letter. 2 ASV, Senato deliberazioni secrete, xxvi, fol. 22. 3 In addition to the references in W. Heyd, Histoire du commercedu Levant au moyen dge, Leipzig, 1885, ii, 679, n. 7, see Alarc6n-Garcia, Documentos, pp. 346, 361-2, and A. S. Atiya, Egypt and Aragon, Leipzig, 1938, 26-34. 202 A MAMLUK LETTER OF 877/1473 translation. The above phrase would not seem to contain this ambiguity, had the Venetian translator not so interpreted it.1 As one might conclude from the tenor of the Sultan's letter Giovanni Emo's embassy to Cairo was rather less than successful. On 10 May 1473 the Doge wrote again to Qaitbay to complain of the mistreatment of Venetians in Syria and in this letter he also expresses his disappointment in the results of Emo's mission ('Essendo in questo anno passato inferita a nostri mercadanti nei luogi de la Soria del dominio de vostra Sublimita molte novita et iniurie per diversi chaxi occorsi, mandassemo ala presentia de la Serenita vostra el nobel citadin et ambassador nostro Zuan Emo come a quel Signor dal quale per suo singolar iusticia et bonta sperassemo impetrar emendation de ogni inferito danno e violentia passata.... Ma pur in esse conto niente e sta fatto, credemo sia preceduto per male operation et ricordi di altri a chi la benivolentia de la vostra Serenita cum nui e molesta e despiaxevole ').2 Our document is a roll 17 cm. wide and as far as preserved about 600 cm. long though it must originally have been nearly 700 cm. The roll is pasted together from sheets each about 23 cm. long, and the space between the lines is, except for the concluding formulae (see plate iv (b)) which are closer together, regularly 10 cm. The writing is of even quality, of the sort called thuluth,3 and tends to curve upwards towards the left-hand margin, leaving a margin of not more than 0 5 cm., except in the concluding formulae which are centred on the paper. The right-hand margin is 5 cm. The ink is uniformly black and the paper brownish and slightly flecked, of fairly heavy quality and with no discernible watermark. At the beginning of the document (see plate I (a)) between the basmala and the tenth or eleventh line, a portion is missing, which as we know from other Mamluk documents and can confirm by means of the Italian translation, must have contained the titles and possibly the cipher of the Sultan. It may have been torn from the letter by an official or scribe to be used for reference in the Venetian chancery. The small portion containing the basmala has been photographed with the rest of the document, although there is in fact a lacuna here of nine or ten lines. Just below the basmala at the edge of the torn fragment are visible several letters of a line which, however, does not admit of reconstruction. The basmala, preserved with the remainder of the letter while the titles have been lost or mislaid, was ignored by the translator. The texts of the original letter and its translation, with a rendering in English of the Arabic, follow. 1 An example of such a phrase with its contemporary Italian translation occurs in a letter from the Mamluk Sultan to the Republic of Florence in 915/1509 (Amari, Diplomi, pp. 222, 389). This practice was common in the Ottoman chancery, the phrase employed being usually khhutimat 'aw&qibuhubil-khair 'May his end be good'; see F. Kraelitz, Osmanische Urkunden, Wien, 1921, 24, and P. Wittek, 'The Turkish documents in Hakluyt's " Voyages" ', 138. I should like here to thank Professor Wittek and Professor Bernard Lewis for much helpful advice. 2 ASV, Senato deliberazioni secrete, xxvI, fol. 13. 3 For the various scripts used in the Mamluk chancery, of which thuluth was the most common, see Bjorkman, Staatskanzlei, 95. VOL. XXIV. PART 2. 15* 203 204 J. WANSBROUGH (1 line) [ aldma (?)] 1[bel. (6-7n e lnes) ttJl aUn lu] I (.6._7.1!.n.es. ................... 1 3-4 words) III -~(3) -U 2--. <L I il j l J?° c Hd2. m I'"'l j . J I(4) i^ ,j ..~ ;Jl. el ,4 4,?_,.a1 i~y & j 4 " "1 I. , (5) J>¥U. .~l.l J_i_, 1 A tentative reconstruction of the Arabic titles is contained in the notes to the Italian text below. The inversion in the translation of the Sultan's titles and the salutation to the Doge may have been due to the repetition of the salutation on the outside of the document (the missing portion) after it had been folded. After translating the salutation on the outside, the Venetian translator could have ignored the salutation in the text of the letter. For examples of dual salutations see Amari, Diplomi, pp. 182-3, 211-13, 222-5. 2 JL? in text (see plate I (a), 1. 2). 3 j. in text (see plate I (a), 1. 4, and below, p. 210, n. 3). 21 Qasfm amir al-mu'minzn. See Amari, Diplomi, p. 222. 22 The full name of the Sultan was Al-malik al-ashraf abi'l-nasr saif al-din Qaitbdy. See Ibn Iyas, Bada'i', II, 2. 23 Khallada allah sultanahu. See Alarc6n-Garcia, Documentos, p. 355. 24 Wa nasara junudahu wa-a'wcinahu. See Amari, Diplomi, p. 165. 25 Wa afada 'ala'l-'ibdd wal-bilad judahu wa i.sanahu. See Amari, Diplomi, p. 165. A MAMLUK LETTER OF 877/1473 III. Alo illustrisimo Doxe Excelente, famoso, potente sopra tuti laltri, honor de la fede de christiani, beleza de la nation che adora la croxe, de Veniexia e de altri paesi doxe e signor, mantignador 1 di fioli del batesimo, amigo de soldani e de i Re, che Dio lo mantegna doxe de Veniexia. II. El Soldan grando Imperador Laserapho, Signor Sapiente, iusto, sancto, combatente, victorioso,2 Spada del mondo e de la fede,3 Imperador di Mori e del moresemo,4 Quello che mantien viva la iustitia nel mondo,5 Vendicator de li offesi,6 Re di Re,7 Soldan di Arabi Azemini e turchi,8 Dissipator de infideli e patarini,9 Donedor de reame e provintie,10 Alexandro al suo tempo,11Signor del ben,12Confermadordi Re e de le sedie e de le corone,l3 Re de i do mari,14 Assegurador de i camini,15Servo de i do sancti luogi,16Umbra de Dio in terra,17 Quello che observa i comandamenti de dio,18 Imperator et assecurador de tuto el mondo dal levante al ponente,19 Signor de i Re e di i soldani,20Vicario del califa,21 Abu el Nasser Caytbey,22 Che dio mantegna nel suo Soldanego,23 E dagali victoria contra i suo nemici,24 E dona li gratia chel governa ben el suo stado.25 1 The translator appears to have supplied without thinking a rendering of the more common expression 'imad banz al-ma'miudya; see Qalqashandi, Subh, vIII, 47. 2 Al-sultdn al-a'zam al-malik al-ashraf al-sayyid al-'dlim al-'adil al-ajall al-mujdhid al-muzaffar. The titles in the first line usually appear in this order. See Amari, Diplomi, p. 181. In a forth- coming study on Mamluk commercial treaties I shall include an extensive discussion of the titles used by the Mamluk sultans. In this tentative reconstruction I have given only one of the many possible references for each title, and have employed documents exclusively as comparative material. 3 Saif al-dunyd wal-dfn. See Amari, Diplomi, p. 221. 4 Sultan al-isldm wal-muslimin. See Alarc6n-Garcia, Documentos, p. 365. 5 Muhyi'l-'adl ft'l-'dlamain. See Amari, Diplomi, p. 165. 6 Munsif al-mazlumin (min al-zdlimTn). See Alarc6n-Garcia, Documentos, p. 365. 7 Sultan al-muluk. See Alarc6n-Garcia, Documentos, p. 355. Possibly shhanshah, which is rare in Mamluk documents. See Elezovic, Turski spomenici, I, pt. 2, p. 168. I have not found the isolated phrase malik al-mtuluk; malik muluk al-'arab occurs in Amari, Diplomi, p. 165. 8 Sultan al-'arab wal-'ajam wal-turk. See Elezovi6, Turski spomenici, I, pt. 2, p. 168. 9 Qdmi' al-khawarij wal-mutamarridzn. See Amari, Diplomi, p. 165. ' Patarini' is an Italian word for 'heretic'. See Zingarelli, Vocabolariodella lingua italiana, Bologna, 1958. 10 Wdhib al-mamalik wal-aqdlim. See Amari, Diplomi, p. 165. 11 Iskandar al-zamdn. See Elezovic, Turski spomenici, I, pt. 2, p. 168. 12 Mauld al-ihsan. See Amari, Diplomi, p. 181. 13 Malik ashdb al-mandbir wal-tukhit wal-tVjdn. See Amari, Diplomi, p. 165. This is the more common form, though mumallik ashdb al-manabir wal-asirra wal-tukhit wal-tTjdnalso occurs See Amari, Diplomi, p. 221. 14 Malik al-bahrain. See Alarc6n-Garcia, Documentos, p. 355. 15 Musallik subul al-qiblatain. See Amari, Diplomi, p. 181. As in several of these recon- structed titles, the Italian and Arabic are not identical, but because of the order in which they appear as well as their approximate meanings, there can be but little doubt that the Italian was meant to translate the Arabic. The invocations (n. 23-25, opposite) because less stereotyped are less certain. 16 Khddim al-4aramain al-sharifain. See Alarc6n-Garcia, Documentos, p. 360. 17 Zill alldh fT ardihi. See Amari, Diplomi, p. 181. 18 Al-qi'im bi-sunanihi wa fardihi. See Amari, Diplomi, p. 165. 19 Sultan al-baszta mu'min al-ard al-muFita. See Elezovic, Turski spomenici, I, pt. 2, p. 168; and also Silvestre de Sacy, Notices et extraits, xi, Paris, 1827, 43: sultan al-sharq wal-gharb. 20 Sayyid al-muluk ival-saldatn. See Alarc6n-Garcia, Documentos, p. 360. 205 206 J. WANSBROUGH |(8) 11lI J( 49 O l l S> Jl j| JI (7) l;J .a .| (9b) ;E C j. " Cla,L j,yl j .. oLL L. Lc. oIV <^^ Lk-l 1| (10) b ,iZ& ji-. J .j ,. L_I J L 4IL, lyJ I / (12). J (12) l jJ, j(11) v I 4jb(13) I; %J 4J JL L S p <j= " UJa ii\ JI2 8a ji UL Lo / jIj VI Za2l Ve |zaner '3 in e if E ur Sacau, erin U, 195, 4 29,( in). Com mol1 l (18) fid, seeMoritz, ' 0 F pj VII 4 ^ic ( l JIe j |(22) 1.9 J J4 ) (iI J kJI t41 VIII i i -i bj ((23) t ^ a i J si ^ , ^^ ji | L~AAJJ <22L'II )~j XLI ji JG ¢YI zki uLo Agj U^!j ej^ 4^ i (24) * - -s -L^l ^. ^k& * ;) .. s· iP y^ I US : L" ^ [(25)4 * 96 Y? U1 &J4 L> ;4 ;kSl eoJlI (26) -t,, ¢y. t 4.iSl y& j1 (27) o8 L^: LlJl iJ i « L C iUj J 1 (28) .o>I >J J 4J 4 L i* j i(29) 1 J^ in text (see plate I (b), 1. 2); cf. Moritz, ' Ein Firman des Sultans Selim I. fir die Venezianer', in Festschrift Eduard Sachau, Berlin, 1915, 429, (bottom line). 2 LJS in text (see plate ii (a), 1. 1, and p. 211, n. 7). 3 Commonly used for uL_ - l ^, see Moritz, ' Ein Firman', 429 and 437, n. 2. 4 sic (see plate ii (c), 1. 2). PLATE I --ti r--i II 60 Cc I3 L-L. U) BSOAS. XXIV] PLATE II C)3 c2 -.q o r2 I _3 wt CO BSOAS. XXIV] crj t;2 I iW ci (b) LINES 35-39 (a) LINES 30-34 PLATE IV BSOAS. XXIV] 0O 10 I 10 P-Z cc z 0 10 rcc z- A MAMLUI LETTER OF 877/1473 IV. Havemo recevute vostre lettere par le man del vostro molto honorado Ambassador Zuane Emo, cavalier, homo de gran prudentia. Et si havemo fato risposta ala signoria vostra e scrivessemo de i honori che i havemo facti pur che ad altri ambassadori che vegna ale nostre porte, perche savemo certamente lo Amor e benivolentia che vui ne porte. V. E si comandasemo chel fosse facti comandamenti e spazade tute le cose chel volse segondo la richiesta soa. E si comandasemo chel fosse scripti comandamenti per tuto el nostro paese recomandandoli tuti i vostri merca- danti venitiani, le cose e servisi de quali non desprisiemo ma havemo care. VI. Et havemo comandado chel nostro piper che vien ogni anno dada non habbia terra ne piere ne sia bagnado. E tute queste cose havemo facte per amor vostro. VII. Ma avisemo la Serenita vostra come i argenti e l'oro che vien ogni anno dado per le galie e per altri in Alexandria vien xagalado,1 si che de ogni cento pesi de argento fata la prova non riman sexandta, lo resto e rame. VIII. E di i pani d'oro vien ale nostre porte la piu parte e lavorata cum rame. I pani de lana era uxanza che ogni peza era cinquanta cinque pichi.2 Adesso ogni peza che vien portada e solamente trenta pichi, et alcune sono scavezade per mezo. IX. De le qual tute cose i mercadanti mori se hano lamentadi a nui. E de questo siamo molto merveiadi che i vostri mercadanti facino queste cose e vui non i punite, pero ne havemo voiudo dar noticia ala Signoria vostra azio vui siati advisati del tuto. 1 Debased or false money, from Arabic: zaghal, especially interesting as a translation of the Arabic ghashsh or maghshish. 2 The ' pico ' or ' picco ' was apparently a cubit (Arabic: dhira'), which was 22-73 inches. See W. Popper, Egypt and Syria under the Circassian sultans, Berkeley, 1955-7, ii, 35. It was an expression common in Levantine commerce, see B. Pegolotti, La pratica della mercatura (ed. Evans), Cambridge, Mass., 1936, 18: ' Picco in grechesco e in peresesco e in piu linguaggi ' (in listing cloth measures). Cf. French pic (E. Littre, Dictionnaire de la langue francaise, Paris, 1957, v, p. 1844, no. 5). 207 J. WANSBROUGH 4;2i 1 ( :1j o1 jL :Ici I I (312) l ol % 1 OJJ o I L;i- ir4\1' | 9 9 JL^ 3j L1·iJ~ \ (33) jP r ^Jl r i J o | i j (35) o r xI o >-Jy sj - *a N S I N l ·(36) · ( } b I (38) <St 1 U JJ I >l L Ai I ( L (37) " & I j(39) J - ( ) \ H 0YI t I(40) !se it4 l r JJ I 4 ^1 (48) .+p J G Z oL1 I iL ; (41) Z Al L jJiSI o (Jl XIII cjjJUl "9 1 4L 1 , (42) J rI J j i |(45) j L g 2J 4^~\ji M Nj 9 Nj UP "Sg sJ Jx (40) 1· ; iil ^j^j J! J jjl^ *= J.Y *l 4S S Nj u |(47)i UA J 'l11 AJ J C>1t s JP e19 t(48) ^^,1 ^1^1 Jl jl 9 ^xJ UJ^l1 1 |J^ l j (49) 0^2^ Jl U XIII o j 4^ "< z xL s pj <dp (50) j1 I LG I l ^:LSl 4 i 1 Jl j1 (51)o -j- i> ° ; > L jl ^Sj cj jl 9 dJlJ °1UP h>t^9 (54) AiLtXl kJuLp J1t al 1 in text (see plate Iv (a), 1. 2). 208 A MAMLUK LETTER OF 877/1473 X. Item advisemo la vostra signoria come i do navilii che hano portato el vostro honorato ambassiator facto oltrazo ai nostri mori. XI. La vostra Serenita manda per tuti i vostri mercadanti e fazali co- mandamento che i non porta argento ni oro xagalado, ne manda peza de pano che non sia compida, segondo l'uxanza antiga. Non consenta la Signoria vostra chel sia scavezada alcuna peza de pano. E de questo se ne expresso comandamento e se nissun fara in contrario punitelo. XII. E fare che queste nostre parole habino luogo e che la vostra Excel- lentia manda per quelli che erano ne dicti navilii e puniteli per el mal che hano facto. XIII. Havemo remandado lo molto honorado vostro ambassiator con questa nostra risposta, vesta et si i havemo dati i dinari per le spexe segondo uxanza. E mandemovi alcuni presenti per le soe man, zioe xx peze de porce- lane,l do gentole de candi,2 cinque sesse,3 quindexe rotoli de legno aloe,4 trenta rotoli de benzui,5 una zucha de balsamo,6 diexe bossoli de tyriaga,7 uno corneto de zibetto,8 e do canteri de zuchari.9 Receva la Serenita vostra questo nostro presente per nostro amor, et ste de bona voglia vui e i vostri mercadanti veni- tiani. E se li certi che i ne sono recommendati e sono sotto e nostri ochi e sotto la nostra iustitia. E sapie questo certo. E dio sia quello che ve convertissa. 1 Twenty pieces of china. Heyd, Commerce, II, 678-80. 2 Two cantars of crystallized sugar. Pegolotti, Pratica, 70. ' Gentole ' (Italian: quintale), like ' canteri' below, is derived from Arabic qintdr, a weight containing 100 ratls. See Popper, Egypt and Syria, II, 39. 3 Five (pieces of) muslin. ' Sesse 'is Arabic shlsh, see Quatremere, Histoire des sultans mame- louks, Paris, 1837, I, pt. 1, 137. 4 Fifteen ratls of wood of aloes. Heyd, Commerce, II, 581-5. The Egyptian ratl contained 15-98 ounces. Popper, Egypt and Syria, II, 39. 5 Thirty ratls of benzoin. Heyd, Commerce, II, 580-1. 6 One vase of balsam. Heyd, Commerce, II, 575-80. 7 Ten wooden containers of theriac or 'Venice treacle '. Pegolotti, Pratica, 78, 297. 8 One horn of musk (Arabic zabad ' foam '). Heyd, Commerce, II, 636. 9 Two cantars of sugar. For the various kinds of sugar see Heyd, Commerce, II, 690-2. 209 J. WANSBROUGH , .I1.L- j~ jl' 55' XIV -,'t/3l 11y,vl ," I (57) L 4P 1 ^ 1. XX < * J*J *J> «A J I (58) i X 4I\N 1 >- | (59) I. In the name of God the Merciful the Compassionate. II. [The great sultan, the emperor Al-ashraf, sapient lord, just, venerable, combatant, victorious, sword of the world and of the faith, emperor of the Muslims and of Islam, he who gives life to justice in the world, vindicator of the oppressed, king of kings, sultan of Arabs, Persians, and Turks, extinguisher of infidels and heretics, granter of realms and provinces, the Alexander of his time, master of good, maker of kings and of thrones and of crowns, king of the two seas, ensurer of the roads, servant of the two holy places, shadow of God upon earth, he who observes the commandments of God, emperor and ensurer of all the world from east to west, master of kings and sultans, deputy of the caliph, Abf'l-Nasr Qaitbay, whom God preserve in his sultanate, and grant him victory against his enemies, and grant him grace that he may rule well his dominion.2] III. . the dignified, honoured, eminent, mighty, exalted, gallant, bountiful, heroic, glory of the Christian community, splendour of the sectaries of the cross, Doge of Venice and Dalmatia, Doge of Croatia, ornament among the sons of the baptized, friend of kings and sultans, may God Almighty preserve his elegance and renew his happiness.3 IV. [His letter has arrived] at our noble portals by the hand of his honour- 1 See plate iv (b), 1. 9. The stroke between ad and ' is very likely an abbreviation used in the Mamluk chancery for the word UaL which invariably appears in this formula. See for example Ernst, Sultansurkunden, 170, 206. 2 The titles have been translated from the Italian text. 3 Examples of salutations used by the Mamluk chancery for Christian rulers are to be found in Qalqashandi, Subh, VIII, 27-53 (of which three are for the Venetian Doge, pp. 47-8); Amari, Diplomi, pp. 166, 182, 183, 211, 213, 222, 225; Alarc6n-Garcia, Documentos, pp. 344, 350, 355, 360, 365, 368, 370; Elezovi6, Turski spomenici I, pt. 2, pp. 169, 174, 184; and Amari, Biblioteca Arabo-Sicula, Leipzig, 1857, pp. 342-3. Dalmatia and Croatia are the readings of Amari (' Dei titoli che usava la cancelleria di Egitto ', Memorie Accademia Lincei, xII, 1883-4, 515, 519) for the manuscript of the Subh in which the two words appear as -JUlI or ZLI.W1 and JL or fllJ. He further suggests that Jl, might be derived from ' Cral, il titolo di principe ' (p. 515, n. 1). The Doges of Venice were in fact granted the title ' Dux Dalmatie atque Chroatie ' in 1084 by the Byzantine Emperor Alexios I (Kretschmayr, Geschichtevon Venedig, Gotha, 1905-20, I, 165), and used the title in correspondence with Muslim rulers (see Mas Latrie, Traites de paix et de commerce,Paris, 1866, ' Documents', pp. 216, 222). ' Ornament' (see text, plate I (a), 1. 5) is also the conclusion of Amari (' Dei titoli', 519, 526) who read O_J rather than 2. in the manuscript of the Sub4, though the Cairo edition (vIII, 47) has 2., which would appear to make less sense. 210 A MAMLUK LETTER OF 877/1473 XIV. Data a di x de la luna saben, l'anno del profeta 877 nel millesimo rabesebo. Nel nostro millesimo a di vII del mese de zener 1472.1 able envoy and we have taken cognizance of it.2 And our noble epistle 3 has gone forth to his Serenity the Doge to inform him that the aforesaid envoy has arrived and that we have shown him greater favour than to all the envoys of Frankish kings who arrive at our noble portals, as we are certain of the devotion of his Serenity the Doge in love of us and of his prayer for our noble station. V. And our noble decrees 4 have been issued in fulfilment of all his concerns and needs in accordance with what he has asked of our noble generosity.5 And we have ordered the writing of noble decrees to the Islamic provinces 6 in favour of all the Venetian merchants and their condition so far as we are concerned shall be looked after. VI. And we have ordered also that the pepper from our noble stores 7 which is given to them be free of dust and moisture and admixture, all of this because of respect for his Serenity the Doge. VII. And besides this we would inform his Serenity the Doge that the gold and silver which have been arriving in the galleys 8 and other vessels at 1 The Venetian new year began in March. 2 A not uncommon expression. See Amari, Diplomi, p. 166; and Alarc6n-Garcia, Documentos, p. 370. 3 This seems to be a fair translation of the word mithal in the context of this document where it appears twice (see text, plates I (b), 1. 2, and Iv (b), 1. 2). For its more technical uses in the Mamluk chancery see Bj6rkman, Staatskanzlei, 113, 115, 138, 153, 168. 4 Marsuim (pl. mardszm) is the usual term for the Sultan's order relating to commercial privileges, though manshiTr and murabba'aalso occur (see Moritz, ' Ein Firman ', 429, 437, n. 1), as well as mithdl (see Amari, Diplomi, p. 205). 5 .adaqdtna al-sharifa is frequently used to indicate the Sultan. See Amari, Diplomi, pp. 167, 208, translated ' bonta '. 6 Al-mamalik al-i8slamya was used by the Mamluk sultans to designate their realm, with the descendents of the 'Abbasid caliphs in Cairo, as the centre of religious and political authority in Islam. See Ernst, Sultansurkunden, 158, 192; and Amari, Diplomi, p. 189. 7 Dhakhfratni al-sharzfa: see Popper, Egypt and Syria, I, 98 (translated 'treasures'); and Amari, Diplomi, pp. 226-7, 438 (translated 'tesoro '). It was invariably left 'Dachieri' in contemporary Italian translations of Mamluk commercial treaties with Venice (in 1504, 1507, and 1512, see p. 200, n. 3), where it appears to designate the repository and market for the wares of which the Mamluk sultans from time to time had monopolies. Khalil al-Zahiri in Zubdat kashf al-mamalik (ed. Ravaisse), Paris, 1894, p. 110 (French trans., Beirut, 1950, p. 183) refers to a duwanal-dhakhirawith an inspector and officials and disposition over many sorts of property. 8 Al-qata'i' (sing. qit'a). This word, which occurs in the writings of Ibn Al-Athir and Ibn Khaldun, is defined by A. M. Fahmy in Muslim sea-powerin the Eastern Mediterranean,London, 1950, 129, as ' a kind of vessel, a piece or part of the fleet '. It was used for ships of war as well as for transport. See also Amari, Diplomi, pp. 199, 208, translated ' galea '. 211 212 J. WANSBROUGH the port of Alexandria and others is found to be debased, to the extent that when one hundred dirhams of silver are melted down they scarcely yield sixty dirhams, and most of it is copper.l VIII. And as for the stuffs 2 which arrive at our noble portals, such as embroidered velvet,3 the bulk of it is adulterated with copper. And as for the woollen cloth 4 it is customary that the measure of each piece be fifty-five cubits, but it has become so now that each piece of woollen cloth does not reach thirty cubits, and they are even cut in the centre. IX. The Muslim merchants have suffered on account of this, and we are greatly astonished at these affairs and the fact that they could come to pass with merchants of his Serenity the Doge, and the representative 5 not be punished 6 for this with fitting reprimand and chastisement. And we have made all this known to his Serenity the Doge in order that he be aware of it. X. And we would inform him that those Franks aboard the two ships which arrived with his honourable envoy attacked a group of Muslims in the Islamic ports and took some of them prisoner.7 And among that which they did was to take a Muslim woman and sin with her. And our noble mind has rejected this with abhorrence for it has not been the custom of Venetians to commit an act such as this. XI. And let his Serenity the Doge summon all of the Venetian merchants and make this known to them and make it incumbent upon them that they not ship debased gold or silver and none but whole woollen cloth and stuffs, 1 On Venetian coinage in circulation in the Mamluk sultanate, see Popper, Egypt and Syria, II, 41-79. 2 Al-qumash appears to be a generic name for cloth, though Amari (Diplomi, pp. 189, 193) translates it 'mercanzie in generale e robe minute'. 3 Al-mukhmal al-manqaish. The embroidery was apparently supposed to have been worked in gold thread. See Heyd, Commerce, n, 703-5 (' camelotto'); Pegolotti, Pratica, 79, 85 (' velluto '). Neither mentions this cloth with gold embroidery. Perhaps 'camocato' is meant (Heyd, ii, 697, and Pegolotti, 36). See also R. B. Serjeant, 'Materials for a history of Islamic textiles-I ', Ars Islamica, ix, 1942, 72. 4 Al-jukh may be a general term for woollen cloth. See B. Lewis, Notes and documentsfrom the Turkish archives, Jerusalem, 1952, 13, 14, 38, n. 20. Cf. Persian chukha and Turkish choqa in R. Dozy, Supplement aux dictionnaires arabes, Leiden, Paris, 1927, I, 230. See also Amari (Diplomi, p. 187) where jfkh and suff occur together, translated by him 'panni, lane e simili'. 'Cut in the centre ' would seem to mean that the rolls of cloth were not of one piece. 5 Al-mu'tamad. The usual words for representative or agent are wakil and qasid (rendered in this sense in Italian by 'ochilo ' and 'messo ', for example in the Mamluk-Venetian treaties referred to in p. 200, n. 3). It is not impossible that mu'tamadis synonomous with qunsul (Italian 'console '), the Venetian consuls having been the sole representatives of the Doge in Egypt and Syria. 6 Qdbala. See Dozy, Supplement, ii, 304. 7 I have found no record of this episode, condensed to a sentence in the Italian translation (paragraph X), in Venetian sources, although similar cases of kidnapping in 1465 and 1475 were the subjects of protracted negotiations between Venice and Cairo, and are recorded in both Arabic and Italian sources. For 1465: ASV, Senato deliberazioni secrete, xxII, fols. 83, 95, 96, 130; and Ibn Taghri Birdi, Hawadith (ed. Popper), Leiden, 1930, 499. For 1475: ASV, Senato deliberazioni secrete, xxvII, fols. 95, 96; Ibn Iyas: Bad&'i', III, 110, 115; and G. Wiet, 'Les marchands d'6pices sous les sultans mamlouks', Cahiers d'Histoire Egyptienne, vnI, 2, 1955, 127. A MAMLUK LETTER OF 877/1473 in accordance with ancient custom, and that they make no cuts in the pieces of woollen cloth and such. And let him enforce this upon them and inform them that when any of them commits an act of this kind henceforth he shall punish them for it. XII. And let his Serenity the Doge listen to what he hears by word of mouth from us. And let his Serenity the Doge summon the Venetians who were aboard the aforesaid two ships and punish them for what they did with the Muslims and compel them to return what they took, completely and entirely, and to send this with the Muslim woman to our noble portals. And let him punish the Venetian Frank who was captured and whose release we have ordered. For it is he who has dared to do this. And let him (the Doge) accept from him or from his accomplices neither excuse nor argument, and should any of them make light of it let him send them to our noble portals that we may punish them for this in our noble equity.1 XIII. And we have sent back the envoy of his Serenity the Doge to him with this noble answer after our noble generosity had bestowed upon him and upon his party noble robes of honour and a grant for their expenses.2 And we have sent by his hand to his Serenity the Doge by way of gifts those in the list 3 enclosed in this noble epistle. And let his Serenity the Doge accept this and let it soothe his mind and those of the Venetian merchants. And let him inform them that they enjoy our noble consideration and complete care. And know this well. And God is He who favours with His grace and his bounty, God be willing.4 XIV. On the tenth of Sha'ban 877 [10 January 1473]. In conformity with the noble decree.5 Praise be to God Alone, and God bless (our lord) Muhammad and his family and his companions, and grant them peace.6 God is our sufficiency [and] support.7 1 Al-ma'dala al-sharnfa. See also Ernst, Sultansurkunden, 182. 2 Nafaqa. This was the common practice in dealing with foreign envoys at the Mamluk court. See Ibn Taghri Birdi, al-Nujum al-zdhira (ed. Popper), Leiden, 1909- , vII, 6, 114, 121 (trans. Popper, v, 4, 82, 86), and Hawadith, 214, 477; Ibn Iyas, Bada'i', III, 62, 94, iv, 119, 124, 145, 378, 402, and especially pp. 259 and 268 for Venetian and French envoys in 918/1512. When the Mamlu