To access digital resources including: blog posts videos online appendices and to purchase copies of this book in: hardback paperback ebook editions Go to: https://www.openbookpublishers.com/product/845 Open Book Publishers is a non-profit independent initiative. We rely on sales and donations to continue publishing high-quality academic works. Cicero, Philippic 2, 44–50, 78–92, 100–119 Latin text, study aids with vocabulary, and commentary I NGO G ILDENHARD CICERO, PHILIPPIC 2, 44–50, 78–92, 100–119 Cicero, Philippic 2, 44–50, 78–92, 100–119 Latin text, study aids with vocabulary, and commentary Ingo Gildenhard https://www.openbookpublishers.com © 2018 Ingo Gildenhard The text of this work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International license (CC BY 4.0). This license allows you to share, copy, distribute and transmit the text; to adapt the text and to make commercial use of the text providing attribution is made to the author(s), but not in any way that suggests that they endorse you or your use of the work. Attribution should include the following information: Ingo Gildenhard, Cicero, Philippic 2, 44–50, 78–92, 100–119. Latin Text, Study Aids with Vocabulary, and Commentary . Cambridge, UK: Open Book Publishers, 2018. https://doi. org/10.11647/OBP.0156 Every effort has been made to identify and contact copyright holders and any omission or error will be corrected if notification is made to the publisher. In order to access detailed and updated information on the license, please visit https:// www.openbookpublishers.com/product/845#copyright Further details about CC BY licenses are available at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ by/4.0/ All external links were active at the time of publication unless otherwise stated and have been archived via the Internet Archive Wayback Machine at https://archive.org/web Digital material and resources associated with this volume are available at https://www. openbookpublishers.com/product/845#resources Classics Textbooks, vol. 6 | ISSN: 2054-2437 (Print) | 2054-2445 (Online) ISBN Paperback: 978-1-78374-589-0 ISBN Hardback: 978-1-78374-590-6 ISBN Digital (PDF): 978-1-78374-591-3 ISBN Digital ebook (epub): 978-1-78374-592-0 ISBN Digital ebook (mobi): 978-1-78374-593-7 DOI: 10.11647/OBP.0156 Cover image: Portrait of a political personality, probably Mark Antony, from the oration area of the Roman Forum, Centrale Montemartini, Rome. Wikimedia, https://bit. ly/2OQRxNy Cover design: Anna Gatti. All paper used by Open Book Publishers is SFI (Sustainable Forestry Initiative), PEFC (Programme for the Endorsement of Forest Certification Schemes) and Forest Stewardship Council(r)(FSC(r) certified. Printed in the United Kingdom, United States, and Australia by Lightning Source for Open Book Publishers (Cambridge, UK) To Vivi and in memory of Lucio (3.6.1932–23.8.2016) Contents Preface and Acknowledgements 1 Introduction 3 1. Contexts and Paratexts 9 2. The Second Philippic as a Rhetorical Artifact – and Invective Oratory 23 3. Why Read Cicero’s Second Philippic Today? 39 Text 43 Commentary 129 § 44 A Glance at Teenage Antony: Insolvent, Transgendered, Pimped, and Groomed 131 § 45 Desire and Domesticity: Antony’s Escapades as Curio’s Toy-Boy 150 § 46 Family Therapy: Cicero as Counselor 160 § 47 Hitting ‘Fast-Forward’, or: How to Pull Off a Praeteritio 166 § 48 Antony Adrift 175 § 49 Credit for Murder 184 § 50 With Caesar in Gaul: Profligacy and Profiteering 193 § 78 Caesar’s Approach to HR, or Why Antony Has What it Takes 202 § 79 The Art of Nepotism 210 § 80 Antony Augur, Addled and Addling 218 § 81 Compounding Ignorance through Impudence 225 § 82 Antony Galloping after Caesar Only to Hold his Horses 233 § 83 Antony’s Fake Auspices 238 § 84 On to the Lupercalia... 245 § 85 Vive le roi! Le roi est mort 254 § 86 Antony as Willing Slave and Would-Be King-Maker 262 § 87 Historical Precedent Demands Antony’s Instant Execution 267 § 88 Antony on the Ides of March 274 § 89 No Compromise with a Public Enemy! 279 § 90 Antony’s Finest Hour 287 § 91 Antony as Dr Jekyll and Mr Hyde 291 § 92 Selling the Empire 305 § 100 Further Forgeries and a Veteran Foundation 310 § 101 Revels and Remunerations 316 § 102 Antony Colonized a Colony! 323 § 103 Antony’s Enrichment Activities 328 § 104 Animal House 335 § 105 Animal House : The Sequel 340 § 106 Antony Cocooned 343 § 107 Symbolic Strutting after Caesar 348 § 108 Swords Galore, or: Antony’s Return to Rome 357 § 109 Playing Fast and Loose with Caesar’s Legislation 365 § 110 Caesar: Dead Duck or Deified Dictator? 372 § 111 A Final Look at Antony’s Illoquence 382 § 112 The Senate Under Armour 387 § 113 The Res Publica Has Watchers! 392 § 114 Caesar’s Assassination: A Deed of Unprecedented Exemplarity 406 § 115 Looking for the Taste of (Genuine) Glory... 418 § 116 Caesar You Are Not! 426 § 117 Once Burnt Lesson Learnt! 444 § 118 Here I Stand. I Can Do Naught Else 447 § 119 Give Me Liberty or Give Me Death! 452 Bibliography 457 1. On-line Resources 457 2. Secondary Literature 458 Preface and Acknowledgements The sections from Philippic 2 included in the present textbook will serve as one of the set texts for the OCR Latin AS and A Level specifications from 2019–2021. It is a challenging pick, not least since Cicero serves up a smorgasbord of topics in his invective assault on Antony: he finds occasion to weigh in on modes of fornication, electoral procedures, Rome’s civic religion, political incidents and developments before and after the assassination of Caesar, and many other matters, all the while deploying a wide range of generic and discursive registers. Luckily, the availability of excellent resources facilitates engagement with the speech, including the commentaries by Mayor (1861), Denniston (1926), Ramsey (2003), and Manuwald (2007) (on Philippics 3–11, but of relevance to the entire corpus), the bilingual edition with commentary by Lacey (1986), and the translation by Shackleton Bailey (1986). As in earlier commentaries, I have tended to summarize and cite (also at length), rather than refer to, primary sources and pieces of secondary literature: for my primary audience (students, but also teachers, in secondary education), a ‘see e.g.’ or a ‘cf.’ followed by a reference is at best tantalizing, but most likely just annoying or pointless. Gestures to further readings are not entirely absent, however, since I have tried to render this commentary useful also for audiences who have more time at their hand and can get access to scholarly literature, such as students wishing to do an EPQ. The commentary tries to cater for various backgrounds: it contains detailed explication of grammar and syntax, bearing in mind students who study the text on their own; and it tries to convey a flavour of Latin studies at undergraduate level for those who are thinking of pursuing classical studies at university. © Ingo Gildenhard, CC BY 4.0 https://doi.org/ 10.11647/OBP.0156.01 2 Cicero, Philippic 2 Unless otherwise indicated, texts and translations of Greek and Latin texts are (based on) those in the Loeb Classical Library. Along with my other volumes in this series, this one would not have been possible without the gallant support of John Henderson, who kindly explained to me what Philippic 2 is all about while turning around an unusually unwieldy draft with his customary speed and bountiful comments, now all incorporated in the commentary, and Alessandra Tosi, who has shepherded this project from first idea to final product with much-appreciated patience and enthusiasm. I am also grateful to Liam Etheridge for his nifty copy-editing, Bianca Gualandi for her magically swift generation of the proofs, and King’s, my College at the University of Cambridge, which has generously contributed a grant to help cover the cost of publication. Dedico questo libro ai miei suoceri, Vivi e Lucio. INTRODUCTION © Ingo Gildenhard, CC BY 4.0 https://doi.org/ 10.11647/OBP.0156.02 When one day the head of Cicero was brought to them [sc. Antony and his wife Fulvia] — he had been overtaken and slain in flight —, Antony uttered many bitter reproaches against it and then ordered it to be exposed on the speakers-platform more prominently than the rest, in order that it might be seen in the very place where Cicero had so often been heard declaiming against him, together with his right hand, just as it had been cut off. And Fulvia took the head into her hands before it was removed, and after abusing it spitefully and spitting upon it, set it on her knees, opened the mouth, and pulled out the tongue, which she pierced with the pins that she used for her hair, at the same time uttering many brutal jests. Cassius Dio 47.8.3–4 1 Like few other periods in (ancient) history, late-republican and early- imperial Rome pullulated with memorable personalities. The years that saw the fitful transformation of a senatorial tradition of republican government into an autocratic regime produced a gallery of iconic figures that have resonated down the ages: Julius Caesar (‘Cowards die many times before their deaths | the valiant never taste of death but once’), Marcus Tullius Cicero (‘But for my own part [what he said] was Greek to me’), Marcus Brutus (‘This was the noblest Roman of them all’), Gaius Cassius (‘Men at some time are masters of their fates’), Marcus Antonius, a.k.a. Mark Antony (‘Friends, Romans, countrymen, lend me your ears’), and Octavian, the future princeps Augustus (‘The time of universal peace is near’), have all remained household names, 1 Cassius Dio (c. 155–c. 235 CE) was a Roman statesman and historiographer, writing in Greek. 6 Cicero, Philippic 2 partly because they have continued to inspire creative individuals also in post-classical times — not least Shakespeare. 2 They are certainly good to think with, evoking Big Issues and Ideas, such as Civil War and Dictatorship (Caesar), Republican Liberty (Cicero), Tyrannicide (Brutus and Cassius), Power and Love (Antony and Cleopatra), and Empire (Augustus). Consisting of selections from Philippic 2, the text set by OCR offers an excellent introduction to, intervention in, and commentary on this period of turmoil and transition. Composed in the autumn of 44 BCE, the year of Caesar’s assassination, it includes a sustained attack by Cicero on Mark Antony, who was consul at the time — but whom Cicero suspected of aiming at autocratic power, another tyrant-in-waiting. Philippic 2 is conceived as Cicero’s (imaginary) response to the verbal abuse Antony had hurled at him in a meeting of the senate on 19 September, but was in all likelihood never orally delivered: Cicero unleashed his sh•tstorm as a literary pamphlet sometime towards the end of the year (late November or December). Further efforts followed, all aimed at pushing a reluctant senate and the people of Rome into a violent confrontation with Antony, whom Cicero deemed (and managed to transform into) Public Enemy No 1. But when political fortune swung, Cicero found himself on the killing list of a triumvirate comprising Antony, Caesar Octavianus (the future Augustus), and M. Aemilius Lepidus (‘a slight unmeritable man | meet to be sent on errands’). 3 And thus the maestro of the needling tongue was heading for decapitation — and Fulvia, Antony’s wife at the time, made sure (or so Dio Cassius’ story goes) that the reprisal stuck also postmortem, pricking republican libertas and eloquentia to death. Against the orator who knew how to use his word as sword, the sword got the final word. (Or has it? Ask yourself: why am I reading Cicero on Antony, not Antony on Cicero...? And you also might want to challenge the all-too-easy binary between word / sword in other ways as well: arguably the warmonger here was Cicero, while Antony, too, had considerable talent as orator.) Much, then, is at stake with this text, and it is not easy to do it critical justice. The ‘double whammy’ of Philippic 2 — ‘as on the one 2 The quotations are, respectively, from Julius Caesar 2.2, 1.2, 5.5, 1.2, 3.2, and Antony and Cleopatra 4.6. 3 So says Antony to Octavian in Shakespeare, Julius Caesar 4.1. 7 Introduction hand lengthiest and most hysterically warped, and on the other hand undelivered fake up’ — invites analysis from a range of perspectives. 4 To begin with, the text is a historical document: the speeches are crammed full with facts and figures about the political culture of republican Rome and, more specifically, the changes that happened in the wake of Caesar’s victory in the civil wars and his rise to the dictatorship. This calls for some basic orientation about author, title, date, circumstances of composition, and whatnot (1). Secondly, the abusive pyrotechnics Cicero fires off in Philippic 2 should not blind us to the fact that the speech is carefully scripted rhetoric and repays close study as a literary artifact designed to intervene in a specific historical situation: it is meant to change (our perception of) reality, even though it would be a mistake to think that (m)any of the salacious secrets Cicero shares with us about (say) Antony’s supposedly sordid sex life have a factual basis (2). Finally, Cicero also conceived of Philippic 2 as a monument of eloquence and political activism designed to outlive its context of production — and invites us to consider his speech as enacting a mode of politics and as a personal manifesto of political eloquence that possesses trans-historical relevance and universalizing import (3). 4 Henderson (2010). 1. Contexts and Paratexts 1.1 (Character) Assassination as a Means of Politics in Late-Republican Rome The convulsive showdown between Cicero (berating) and Antony (beheading) is just one episode in a long series of violent confrontations between members of Rome’s ruling elite that eventually resulted in the collapse of the republican commonwealth. But the ‘extremist’ politics of Cicero and Antony (and their generation) that aimed at the complete verbal and/or physical annihilation of a peer-turned-enemy, was a fairly recent phenomenon in Roman history. While we should not imagine early and mid-republican Rome as a conflict-free zone where sober ancestors beholden to a set of peasant values practised consensual politics in happy harmony, the murderous savagery of civil warfare, so familiar from the last generation of the Roman republic, did not really take off until the second half of the second century BCE. True, narratives that bemoan a decline in personal and political morality began to circulate from c. 200 BCE onwards. This was (not coincidentally) the time when Rome’s imperial success and exploitation started to take off in earnest and resulted in increasing inequalities in wealth within Rome’s ruling elite, which opened up novel possibilities for specific individuals to accumulate degrees of wealth and political power difficult to accommodate within an oligarchic system. But one could do worse than single out 133 BCE as the moment in time when the fabric of Rome’s political culture first started to unravel violently: in that year, the pontifex maximus and ordinary senator Scipio Nasica, unaided by the consuls, took charge of the murder of one of the tribunes of the plebs, 10 Cicero, Philippic 2 Tiberius Gracchus, and around three hundred of his supporters, on the suspicion that he aimed for tyranny. In a commonwealth fundamentally grounded in power sharing, consensus politics, and default friendship among members of the ruling elite — but also with a pronounced ethics of revenge — the phenomenon of political murder proved deeply divisive. 5 It was the moment when Romans first started to become deadly serious about turning ‘adversaries’ into ‘enemies’ — to use a distinction recently made by Michael Ignatieff. 6 From then on, political measures designed to validate ‘extremist’ politics (such as the so-called ‘ hostis declaration’, the decision to regard a Roman citizen as an external enemy), which amounted to the ‘othering’ of part of the self, coincided with repeated episodes of outright civil war. The series of violent clashes (Marius with Sulla, Caesar with Pompey, Cicero and the senate with Mark Antony, to name only the most obvious) only ended in 31 BCE at the battle of Actium between Caesar Octavianus and Antony and Cleopatra. This led to the establishment of the principate, an autocratic form of government prefigured, not least, by the dictatorships of Sulla and Caesar. Philippic 2 is an explosive exhibit of ‘the Roman culture of civil conflict’ 7 — composed in the brief period of republican revival that began with the murder of Caesar in March 44 and ended with the battle of Philippi in Northern Greece in October 42, where Antony and Caesar Octavianus triumphed over Caesar’s foremost assassins, Brutus and Cassius. Philippi sounded the ultimate death knell of politics in 5 On default friendship: you might get a thought-provoking kick out of reading the exchange of letters between Cicero and Antony attached to Cicero’s Letter to Atticus 14.13 = 367 SB, dating to 26 April 44 BCE. 6 See Michael Ignatieff, ‘Enemies vs. Adversaries’, http://www.nytimes. com/2013/10/17/opinion/enemies-vs-adversaries.html, an op-ed piece for The New York Times à propos the emergence of new forms of radical or even extremist politics across the globe, including Western democracies: ‘For democracies [and, one might add, the Roman republic] to work, politicians need to respect the difference between an enemy and an adversary. An adversary is someone you want to defeat. An enemy is someone you have to destroy. With adversaries, compromise is honorable: Today’s adversary could be tomorrow’s ally. With enemies, on the other hand, compromise is appeasement’. 7 For the phrase (and a gloss), see the conference announcement by Wolfgang Havener, ‘A Culture of Civil War? — bellum civile in the Late Republic and the Early Principate’, https://www.hsozkult.de/event/id/termine-34304