PRISONERS NEWS library MAY 2 7 19/5 rrA-'c HISTORICAL SOC'ETV '' •V S l I i '■'£ i __ I >5PEaAi- PUBLISHED BY THE NEW YORK CITY CHAPTER OF THE NATIONAL LAWYERS GUILD, BUT NOT NECESSARILY REFLECTING ITS VIEWS i<175 Volume 5, Nunter 3 RACISTS EXPOSED White Ku Klux Klan robes, gray pants, and blue Dpt. of Correctional Services blazers are In style at Nap- anoch prison. Racism Is open and undisguised In this predominantly black and latin 'experimental prison'. Eastern Correctional Facility, with 718 prisoners (90% 3rd world), has been the site of: the fire bomb- Ino of several Inmates cells; the discriminatory 'keep- lock' of prison organizers/political prisoners and N.A.A.C.P. leaders; refusal to admit visitors Includ ing attorneys; harrassment of college professors who teach at the prison; threats, attempted burgularies, and attempts to destroy the car of a civilian female employee. Originally used to house 'mentally defective delin- guents', the 70 (plus) year old prison is under the direct supervision of Jerome W. Patterson, Superin tendent, and Joe Perrin, Security Deputy. After a minor transition to a city prison in 1970 (to accom odate the overflow of prisoners at Rikers Island) the prison was again leased by the state In the wake of the Attica massacre. Public demand for reforms led to the re-openinq of 'Nap' as a medium-security pro- “ ^ ‘ grairinstltution. Inmates from Clinton, Comstock, Attica, etc. were lured here with the ball of 'brand new programs'. We found no proarams here In March 1973, and realized we were trapped in the first phase of the Infamous 'Rx' program 'Open Prescription'; which included co vertly drugged meals and highly advanced behavior modification techniques. As disclosed In a September 73, Village Voice ar ticle entitled "Fortune and Wardens' Pockets" exposed the embesselment of over eight million (8,000,000) dollars by J.W. Patterson, that was to be spent on programs and renovation of the prison (four mlllioi through a kick-back scheme with local construction contractors to build a defective Industry building). In an attempt to coverup for this robbery the ad ministration and guards (and at least 35 registered Klan members) have repressed all attempts at Inmate resistance. Including 80 striking messhall workers; the transfer of the entire laundry detail striking for higher wages, human working conditions, and an end to Klan harrassment; the attempted murder of a young Inmate in the segregation unit, by six officers; a brutal physical assault on an Inmate for 'looking wrong' at an officer; locking up the entire Colony Tomnny TrAnYivio Trcn'io'S.H.T EspojeJl (con't. fromp.1) farm detail for striking; facist and sexist insults to visitors; the consistent harrassment and attacks on politically conscious prisoners and inmate leaders; blocking the mail of all inmates and groups who oe- » titioned the courts, the Commissioner, and the public; the destruction through agent-provacatuers of the In mate Liason Committee (in February 74 an attempt was made to formulate another I.L.C. by progressive in mates. Edward Winters refused to meet with thg. group unless they accepted the old constitution which div ided representatives along racial lines; the Chair man of the steering committee was locked up and ac cused of: inciting a riot). All of these activities have been hidden from the press and the public. Inmates throughout the state prisons have been aware of Ku Klux Klan activities for decades. The threats and harrassment of Nancy Loori , co-ordinator of Volunteer Services is only the tip of an Iceberg. An attempt to organize a chapter of the N.A.A.C.P. was blocked by harrassment, sabotage, keeplocks and threats to Inmates. As the chapter began to take shape, four inmate cells were fireborabed in a last ditch effort to destroy the chapter. The fires were blamed on Jimmy Contin, a card car rying KKK inmate, who was transferred. The administra tion covered up the fact that on each occassion he was given access to the cells by his fellow Klansmien, correction officers. The Inspector General and the B.C.I. started an investigation and the administration locked up several white inmates to create the illusion that there was racial conflict among the inmates. When the Middletown & Times-Herald Record mentioned a list of 15-25 suspected Klansmen this was denied by Albany, J.W. Patterson, and Charles Krom, president of Local 1041 (officers union), and suspected "Night Hawk" (next in command under grand dragon) of the Ku Klux Klan. In late December, Earl Schoonmaker, a teacher at the prison admitted to being the State Grand Dragon of the Ku Klux Klan. Schoonmaker was suspended and Patterson and Krom denied all knowledge of his Klan memtiership. The N.A.A.C.P. president sent a letter to the press after he was refused a visit from a reporter. He and several N.A.A.C.P. members were sent to the box and keep-locked for possession "revolutionary material" and "contraband" in their cells. This was an attempt to keep them out of the elections the group was hold ing after receiving their charter. Sgt. Ryan, C.O. Tavermino, CO. Krom (all known Klan members) lead this action with the approval of Lt. Oempkie and J.W. Patterson. Joe Perrin Instituted a pass-book system, issued new "security" orders daily, and locked down several details and began mass shake downs directed at known organizers, who have been (and are beingjmarked for special repression. Legal action is Ignored and the Klansmen boast that they will see to it Schoonmaker is re-instated to this job. They have increased target practice (machine guns can be heard firing on the rifle range daily), and special classes in first-aid and para-medics have be gun. It is believed that the Klan Intends to provoke a riot and initiate a massacre in attempts to justify their actions and kill off leaders of the Inmate re sistance, in the same style of the Attica massacre. We ask that this information be disseminated by all concerned organizations and individuals, in an attempt to minimize violence. The Ku Klux Klan has us surrounded, but the oppressed people of the world sur round OF US/ FREE THE ATTICA BKUintRS PEOPLES PARTY, Napanoch Prison, N.Y. -■«i' V DEDICATION MAY 19th MARKS THE ANNIVERSARY OF THE BIRTHS OF HO CHI MINH AND MALCOLM X. WE DEDICATE THIS ISSUE TO THEM AND TO THE GLORIOUS VICTORIES OF OUR COM RADES IN CAMBODIA AND VIETNAM. Vl|t BSc 1951 The wheel of nature turns without pause After the rain, good weather In the wink of an eye The universe throws off its muddy clothes For ten thousand miles , The landscape spreads out like a beautiful brocade Light breezes Smiling flowers High in the trees ^ Amidst the sparkling leaves All the birds sing at once People and animals rise up reborn What could be more natural 7 After sorrow, oomes joy. FINE WEATHER by HO CHI MINH m s at-< "The prolatarist-the workinn class- is still the most revolutionary class, and still the real qravedigger of capitalist society. However the notion that they alone can or must carry the revolution is too rediculos and simplistic for any serious consideration at all. iThe industrial workinn force of today's modern indus trial state may be pivotal in carrying out a success ful, revolution against that state, but their nower ■ and numbers have been vastly reduced by such develop ments as automation, military-corporate elitism,(the connection through marriaqe of novernemnt, military, and corporate heads), the new class of National Guard nigs (they broke the postal strike), government con trolled unions, riqht-to-work laws, etc. The argument that centers on the idea that all workers must be politically educated before the revolution can suoport a violent thrust verges on the absurd. Today nearly six and a half million of them can't find work. And ; those who are working seem to be convinced that for eign wars and armaments spendino are more desirable than unemployment. Of course they should be made conscious of their exploitation and they must be moved to act in their behalf. Those who feel that they are doing well should be introduced to the fact of 'sur plus value'." GEORGE LESTER JACKSON Blood in my Eye, pn. 30-9 We support the above position of Comrade Georne and wish to elaborate and substantiate it. This article will deal specifically with the black liberation struggle, and therefore black workers and lumpens. For the ourpose of analysis we are limiting ourselves, however objectively there is one working class and one lumpen class in America regardless of subjective national and racial differences. Historically the working class of black people has been the backbone and the foundation of the national liberation struggle in the U.S., as w^ll as in the fore front of the labor movement. This is a historical reality, and as nroof we sight the following: the practice of the American Negro Labor Congress in the 20 's and 30' s, the League for struggle for Negro Rights (especially their leading a march of 3,500 people on Washington D.C. in May '33, the sit-ins, armed struggles and pitched battles.over land and against the KU KLUX KLAN by the Southern Tenant Farmers Union during the depression, the riot's of the 60's (the notion that the lumpen was the prime force in these rebellions is false- see the Riot Conmission Report of '68, and the Scientific American Magazine Study, the latter ! study found 70% of the rioters in Detroit and Newark ' were unemployed for only one month during the previous year. When asked about their emoloyment they said they wanted a'job with more income and resoonsibilitv) , the postal strike, the N.Y.C. transit strike, the sanitation vorkers strike in Baltimore '74, Oakland bus drivers '74 ■'ospital workers in N.Y. and San Francisco'74, and the ■ntless strikes of the auto workers in Detroit in 40's, 50;^s, 60's, and 70's. The proletariat is physically the most revolutionary ' iS because of it's proximity to the means of pro- ;tion, making them strategically the mainforce in izing power. Working class people in the black ;onnun1ty make up 85-94% and are the majority in all the social institutions in the community. In the key industries of longshore, auto, steel, and transportation blacks make up 25-40% of the work force - they hold the key to the paralysis of the major industries of this country because without them performing the usually menial back-breakinn jobs these industries would come to a halt. In the construction of a socialist society in America the working class (both black and white) possessing the knowledge and skills of the production process will be the main force. "Those on welfare, unemplyment, social security, etc. are often classified as lumpen. In the Marxian sense, the lumpenproletariat consist of hustlers, pimps, prostitutes, thieves etc.; a sub-class, totally divorced from the work force, possessing no working class con sciousness, and it lives by preying on the working class. The lumpen is a relatively small and powerless group in relation to the general black community." Earl Ofari Black Scholar Sept. '72, Those on welfare, unemployment; AFDC etc. are part of-the sub- or semi-proletariat , those who are 'under employed' also fall in this same category- they like the lumpen were at Ojpe time employed turning to 'criminal' activity because they couldn't make ends meet. Their background is usually worker, peasant, or sharecropper. Their parasitic life style produces a parasitic con sciousness. Strategically speaking they could not by themselves paralyze the econoipy and generally do not posess the discipline necessary to wage a consistent struggle without the guidance of the working class. ‘ They are often said to be ideal for urban guerrilla warfare because of their characteristic courage. Courage is not the determining factor in warfare especially in the most technologically advanced coun try to exist on this planet-and ripping off the im perialist state is drastically different in method and intent than 'street crimes' against other oppressed people. By what virtue is the lumpen regarded by some as the most revolutionary class? It is because of their lawlessness. To be a lumpen is to be an outlaw. The revolutionary is also an outlaw. However all lumpen outlaws will not be revolutionaries. Many of them will continue to prey on the people, and some will ■^ight us for the bourgeoise. Eldridge Cleaver has taken the position that the socialist countries of the world have sold out to captialism and imperialism, (see'On Lumpen Ideology' Black Scholar Nov.-Dec. '72). His position is about as revolutionary as Henry Kissinger. He also fails to distinguish between the lumpen in the U.S. and those who ontinue to be parasites in socialist societies such as China and Cuba, where people are nuarenteed. the right to work, free education, health care etc. The revolutionaries that lead our struggle do/will come from many classes, and posess a revolutionary working class consiousness They must and will mob ilize mass support of the workers primarily, the lumpen, petti-bourgeois and students are secondary. They must neutralize those portions of the above classes who will not support our actions, and do battle with those in all the above classes who actively oppose us - as the bourgeoise never fights it's own battles. Peoples Party, Napanoch Oreqon "■The COURTING THE COURTS? • % ,„C keepers at Rocky Butte Jail in Portland, Oregon used a block of six cells for their disciplinary hole. Each cell is 6 feet by 8 feet. There are no lights or windows in the cells. Four of the cells are sly-ip cells with no furnishings. One of the strip cells is constantly flooded. All of the cells are filthy with constant flooding and leaks from toilets. In one of the cells there is no drinking water. The area is overrun with bugs and parasites. There is no ventiliation. All meals are boloqne sandwiches. Brothers placed in these cells are never given materials to clean their cells or themselves. They are denied mattresses and must sleep on concrete or steel Three to six brothers at a time are placed in each of these cells. They repeatedly attempt suicide. Such attempts have been successful on several occasions in the past year. Attacks on brothers in this area by guards are common. All communication is cut off, even communication to attorneys. A federal civil rights suit under 42 U.S.C. 1983, Gunberq V. Kerner, was filed because of these conditions. The response of the keepers was to shut those cells down as soon as the suit was filed in an attempt to "moot" the suit. The following letter wp received by some of the attorneys involved in the suit. Hello People. A few lines to keep the connection. Well, what's the state of things? The jail is being filled with more and more pre-genocide (post-psychic- genocide) victims. It's important to realize that all reform efforts aid the opposition, especially now with fascism on the rise everywhere. By attempting to reform certain con ditions at Rocky Butte, while leaving other conditions to remain, the entire set of conditions is stabilized, in fact, strengthened. For example, the "old hole" is closed (at least, temporarily). But the "new hole" is everywhere, in this se.ise - B tank is the "official hole", A tank is deadlo'keo, K tank is a special "sec urity hole" on deadlock, and when "rowdies" enter the jail, they are often placed in those little lawyers' cubby-hole rooms near the sliding (#5) door untilthey wind down. Temporarily, we made them change something but, in fact, things go on as before, and I'm sick of horror stories. In a sense, the "hole" is in the Keepers' mind. Techniques of control (e.g., isolation, restricted iTOvement, threats, and loss of privilieges) remain. And it's clear that suffering in the jail results from oppression in the courtroom and on the street. The problem cannot be isolated out of context - by knowing this context we may then attack weak points in succession. As example, an attack on bail practices of the Oregon courts would expose rot, rot which contributes greatly to tensions at Rock Butte. With fascism installed as it is, and in a decadent stage at that, all people have become acutely un-aware, and contemptuous of responsibility. It's like everyone knows but doesn't know - and with so much contempt for self and one's individual responsibility, what can be expected from anyone? After all, everyone is doing what she/he must, is told to do, or can't see any other way to do. I'm fast becoming my own biggest critic. Others can, and must help others, but that helping is limited dialectically - I must control my own responses, approaches, actions, or others will do it, again and again in the case of some who love us most, our women- counterparts especially. Count me among people who are being redeemed by feminist ideology, itself a product of reaction to decadent male rule, and a con crete hope for our struggle. I want you to know that I am not quitting on you, though I question whether you want to drink the Keepers' blood in victory. We'll measure our progress by qualitie; of tenacity, determination to over-run the opposition, and by never allowing one swine to shift his burden to another. I would take pleasure in appearing as a witness in court or wherever. Let me know your thoughts. Our defeat is not loss, and pessimism is a Keepers'Quality. Let's build a new forward motion. Oregon. Co\orwlo Comrade ^ j Thank you for your letter of Oan. 27, 1975, and the accommanied article entitled "The Class Role of U S Courts". I agree with the analysis that the courts in this capitalist society are merely insti tutions of the capitalist class, despite this, I think that we should use these very same courts in our attempts to expose the system. That is to say, there are a number of ways of ex posing the system, and the use of these capitalist courts is one of the ways. If the courts can be used to show the people the many contradictions in the capitalist laws; that these bourgoise laws are-in direct contradiction to the bourgoise constitution, that the system is not in accord with the bourgoise constitution, then we should use the courts for that purpose. I believe that companero Fidel Castro once petitioned the Cuban Supreme Court to arrest Batista for violating the bourgoise constitution. Peter Cam- ejo, in his Guevara's Guerrilla strategy, tells, us that "Castro did not: expect that this effort would succeed... The political lesson he was trying to get across was that the Batista regeme was illegal under existing bourgoise law, and therefore any } struggle to overthrow Batista was legal and justi fied." We can do the same in this country, of course, the idea has to be developed and applied according ly. Venceremos! A1berto Mares #42685-CH2 , Box 999 Canon City, CO 81212 Alberto Mares has asked that people write to the lowing officials supporting the parole plan that has submitted; Governor Richard D. Lanin State Capitol 200 E. Colfax Ave. Denver, Colorado 80203 and Warden Alex Wilson Box 1010 Canon City, Colorado 81212 fol- he COURTIHG? cont ’ d Aritono. In the not too distant past, 20 prison Inmates were placed on dead-lock status because they made a complaint to the officers In charge that they were not getting the same amount of food allotted to other Inmates In the prison. Dead-lock status means being locked In ones cell and never let out, no matter what the circumstances. In short. It was a form of punish ment. In the above situation, punishment without due process of law was Itiposed by prison officials and their actions were contrary to several court decis ions Interpreting the 14th Amendment of the U.S. Constitution and applying It to prison disciplinary procedures. The decisions, or law, requires notice of any prison rule violation, and a hearing before an Impartial committee, with opportunity to call and cross-examine witnesses, before any punitive measure can be Imposed on a prisoner. Only two of the*twenty Inmates placed on dead-lock for complaining abouC the food were afforded these minimal rights. A recent federal court decision In Arizona requl- es that all Inmates on lock-up status receive a min imum of 3 showers and 3 hours of exercise per week. However, this mandate of the court was Ignored by prison officials for the duration of the dead-lock status. Two Inmates set out to remedy the dead-lock sit uation by petitioning the United States Distric Court, and stating their situation In the form of a law suit. Although the court recognizes the violation of the law by prison officials. It is relunctant to act on the behalf of an Inmate. It seems the Arizona courts, both state and federal, are applying to some degree the absentlon, or "hands-off," doctrine In handling prisoners civil complaints. The courts are quick to defer to the judgments of prison officials who, necessarily, have a peculiar Interest In keep ing many aspects of their prison's Internal affairs from public or court scrutiny In order to ensure the security of their jobs. All this leaves the Inmate whose constitutional rights have been violated utterly dismayed with the courts and the law. The unwanted services of the courts were readily available to the inmate when he was the defendant and the state the plaintiff, but In a civil suit when an Inmate becomes the plaintiff and state officials the defendants, the services of the courts are not easily obtainable. An inmate is a U.S. citizen, although a second- class one, and when rights secured to him by the U.S. Constitution are violated, his only recourse is through the courts to remedy the violation. When an inmate's petition to the court Is Ignored It only goes to show two things: the laws were made for the rich and those in power. When any citizen of these United States is denied his constitutional rights, then the law becomes above and out of reach for the citizen for which It was created. The proper purpose of the law is to protect each and every citizen against legal and moral crimes against his person and property and to better Insure a stable social structure. For this reason, the U.S. Constitution guarantees every citizen access to their courts and equal protection of the laws. If one per son or class of pei^sons Is denied his rights under the laws, it Is a serious Indictment of the princi ple upon which America was founded, that each citizen Is free from governmental tyranny. It becomes too easy for government to gain uncontrollable dominion over the people. When prison officials, with Impunity and the tacit approval of society and the courts, can act In an unlawful manner, prison reform and its effect In the reduction of crime Is a long way off. James 01 son Box-B-31112 Florence, Arizona. 85232 MARTIN SOSTRE \ A second circuit court in Manhattan just handed down a long awaited decision denying an appeal oased on the recantation testimony of Arto Williams, a key witness in Martin Sostre's 1967 case where Martin was convicted of selling heroin. He is now awaiting a sentencing date from a recent conviction of three counts of 2nd degree assault on three prison guards. A denmnstration in front of the Capitol building in Albany, N.Y. on Monday April 21st, at 12 noon, will involve Martin's supporters from New Youk state and the New England area and Canada areas. This demonstration will be in condemnation of all injustices inflicted upon Martin and will demand his immediate release. On Mar. 6, the Plattsburgh 12 were released on bail following a hearing under Supreme Court Judge Harold Soden. After 7 days in the Albany County Jail, 8 of the 12 members of the local Plattsburgh Martin Sostre Defense Committee were transferred back to Platts burgh from an order of an appellate court in Albany ruling that Judge Robert Feinberg's convictions of 30 days for contemnt of court be stayed and that bail be set. During the proceedings a demonstration was held in Trinity Park near the courthouse. Bail money was raised by the members of the local community. S^iudos Revolution^rios La presente de esta cs para dejarles saber a ustedes del motive y razon de nuestro encarcela- niento en esta ctrcel Todo emnezo cuando por medio de 2 semanas y media, nuestro hermano Martin Sostre se encontraba en el juicio en la corte del conda- do de Plattsburgh, N.Y. y donde un jurado comouesto de 12 personas Analo - sajonas encontraron a Martin culpable de agresion en seoundo gr^do. (o-esa^3 cargos de agresion) Desde el princTpio del jufcio el juez Robert Feinberg se nort6 exageradamente racista y antagonista hacia el hermano Martin Sostre. De modo que nosotros los oue estamos presente tuvi- mos la oportunidad de ver y oir de lo antipatico y desqeneradamente la arjitud onresiva y racista que culmino en la conviccion dirijida y ejecutada por este senior Juez. Este senor Juez tenia en todo me mento posesion y direcci8n de manipular el juicio desde el princioio hasta el final del mismo. Como tambien pudimos observar la discriminacion obsurda que fue mantenida en todo el juicio hacia Martin. De 12 jurados y 2 alternatives todos eran per sonas blancas, los ciiales en circulos legales, no son de nuestra clase social. Hubo un tiempo que el juez dirijia al jurado y decia que en su corte se practica las leyes anglo- sajon manera americana (Anqlo-Saxon-American way) y hasta el fiscal uso la corte como plataforma nara su polltica ultra-derechjsta. Todo lo nuestro empezo de ver como era que nues tro hermano lo estaban condenando desde el nrincinio del jjpjclo. , -AfTTue que nacio nueatra lucha colectiva. Todo exploto cuando a las 10:15 P.ft, del jueves 27, 1975, el jurado despues de 2:15 minutos retornaron con el vedericto de culpabilidad por 3 cargos de agression, no muy bien se habia callado la forelady Thema Woods del jurado, cuando instantianiamente, los amigos, simpatizantes y camaradas, se pararon y unidos grita- ron en corte de la fabricacion hecha hacTa_M.S. Un companero leyo' la protesta y condeno el pun- to racista oppressive del^caso en general. Desde ese punto la corte exploto como un volcano, el juez, fiscal, y exoectadores quedaron estupfacto de tal ajcion collective. La corte estava con pSnico de nervios.^El juez al ver lo que sucedia simultaneam- ente dijo (que todos los oue permanecian con el puno en alto estaban en subjeto de hacer 30 dias de car- cel por icontumacia.) (contempt) los simpatizantes gritaban _ Y desde ese incidente 12 fuimos errestados y sen- teciados a cumolir 30 dias de cancel. Entre nosotros hay 6 hermanas y una de ellas tiene 4 meses de embarazada, y conste el juez lo sabia, pero no le importo. ^ ^ j Nosotros los participantes de esta accion col- -nectiva deseamos que todas personas concientes pue- dan comprender el significado de todo esto y pasar la (banderilla) como explica 'fuego en la pradera', los doce somos de diferentes cam!nos de la vida y que simultaneamente protestamos el juicio racista que tuvo Martin Sostre. Esoeramos que nuestro ejem- plo sirva para actos como este en el future cuando uno de nosotros nos encontremos en las misna situa- cion jgual a la de Martin Sostre. Desde el punto de vista podemos recordar las palabras de Don Pedro Albizu Campos. cuando el decia: 'nilE LA PATRIA ES VALOR Y SACRIFICIO' La accion va al nombre de los que sufren en las pris-ones de esta nacion. El dia 25 de marzo Martin sera sentenciado en la corte del condado de Clinton en ese dia esperamos que venga todas esas personas de gbneienza. En lucha los 12 de Plattsburgh p\ K RESPONSE TO A LETTER FROM MARTIN SOSTRE Comrade Martin, The point is obvious: the unyielding endurance, the revolutionary grit of Martin Sostre cannot be faced by the spineless reflections of Rockefeller- by his lackeys-without magnifying the image of their own selflessness. So they must continue their brutal efforts to smother you, the e.xnloding contradiction that threatens the illusions of their own reality. For too many years prisoners have succunted to the definition of convict- the irretrievable social alien: we werp defined, and understood no alterna tive but to conform to that definition. That, in it self, was a mean paradox; because in most instances our imprisonment was the result of rebelling against the oppressive straitjacketinq of so called respect able mores, definitive racist impositions, and ab solute class demands. But, years are measurements, filled with changing events and the processional pos sibility of development. And at some point we become conscious of the fact that the definition which we've fitted ourselves into has been psychologically comfor table, for the rebel, because it typified the baseness of the rulers-and there were no models of success like those who filled the room at the top. In previous times when we were stuffed into these death asylums, mainly, we fought ourselves, sought donations and re- conmendations and hoped that we would beat the defin ition next time around by not getting caught. That was the only thing that kept us from the room at the top, we thought-getting caught: we knew that essen tially it was the most outstanding difference between them and us. But self-consciousness-the conscious confrontation with ourselves-swells up those other possibilities to the point of explosion, into other sights and sounds from other and more appropriate models. That's a heavy turning point: the (re)discovery of models of ourselves! '/(hether it's Marcus Garvey, Albuzo Campos, Rafael C. Miranda, or Martin Sostre. It's no matter, for us, which one-because each of them Is all of then and they're everywhere wherever we are. But it does matter for the spineless caretakers, be cause when we know who we are it negates what they un derstand as knowledge of themselves. And, more than anything else, that's the point: Martin Sostre is the negation of the womb of their reality, the constant reminder that caretakers are nonentities. Martin Sostre's ve»7 breath is willed by the determination of all of us. That's the point. They know. They know that incarnated in Martin Sostre is the meaning of Attica, George and Jonathan, Ruchell, and every other authen tic representation that signifies the revolutionary ascent of the Dragon. we stand- in solidarity, Jan. 10, 1975 A collective of Brothers at the Marion, II. State camp for the oppressed People IT. i V Two men, a Mr. White Boy, and a Mr. Nigger, were trapped in a pit from which neither could escape ■^rom - himself. However they could both escape, if one would allow the other to dir* on his shoulders, and crawl out. Of course the one that crawled out would need to reach down and pull out the other, if both wergl to escape, but neither trusted the other to do this. Neither would be humble enough to allow the other to climb on his back either, and needless to say, neither of them survived... Both of them were caught in a pit of dispair, hope lessness and the dark, damp smell of misery. The one who dug the pit, a Mr. Pig, came to taunt them every day; and when he went home at night would laugh to himself about how stupid the men in the pit were, and how smart he was for making such a clever trap. What was the name of that pit now. .Folsom. .Attica ...Atmore...? (Or does it?) m Truely, Harvey Angel , Sr. Rt. 2-Box 38 Atmore, AL 36502 RUCHELL CINQUE ON SQ6 Any effort to understand the degree of pressures Imposed upon the San Quentin Six in the San Quentin Prison hole and the Marin County Superior Court brings one back to the murder of Comrade George Jackson, the vicious murder plot against myself, Larry Spain, Hugo Pinell and Fleeta Drumgo August 21, 1971. The plot has 'not' been a well guarded secret. The mass controlled news media I charge with con^ spiring In the plot, as It assaults the truth while shaping the judicial false foundation. How else could the people sleep on these bigot clowns whose actions are poisoning to the entire conmunity! BASI C FACT ABOUT THE PLOT: Fleeta Drumgo & George Jackson were transferred from Soledad Prison to San Quentin to be off (mur dered) the best way that prison officials could do It In a way that the people would accept. August 7, 1970 Interfered with that plot, because of public attention around the Rebellion In Marin County, Pigs panic. They used the press to talk about themselves to camouflage their own negligible, shifting from lies to lies. I then became the pigs main target. They made sure that no press (sincere press people) would see me, as they made gag-restrictions to apply only to me. Hugo Pinell and Larry Spain became the other vic tims to die by the pigs plot. To get Hugo Pinell, the San Quentin Prison offic ials were then all for his confinement In the A/C (Adjustment Center) and his backward and forth trans fer to San Francisco facilities for treatments. He suffered, complaining as he does now; but was blind to the plot or didn't seem to care or fear as he com plained about the shipping that headaches Imposed on him. I witnessed Hugo on several occasions fall out, as he complained about having headaches. An examina tion of the doctors (psychiatrists) report will show In their professional and responsibility finding Hugo was not to be touched about the head In any rough way. Apparently, the San Quentin Prison officials knew of that finding upon their attacking, assaulting, beating and injuring Hugo August 21, 1971 and thereafter. The pigs would chain his hands and feet - then beat him with sticks about the head and denied him treatments In return. They were trying to murder him. I tried to expose the murder plot against us and the beatings In the San Francisco trial, but one of the main clown pigs (CDC officer Zink) who beat and tortured the brother testified that Hugo fell down upon being taken out of the A/C building. My attempt to subpeona Hugo and others as my witnesses was useless because the lawyer Robert Carrow without reasons refused to join In my written and oral motions for subpeona. This gave the San Francisco Judge Morton Colvin just the perfect excuse to exclude every witness that would have help expose state agents, the long list of humi liations and criminal persecutions we've endured as victims of the judicial murder plot. Fleeta Drumgo went to trial In San Francisco complaining, sufferlng- HIs evidence was open wounds and cuts. The court peo ple, and press saw this. Everybody knows that Fleeta didn't fall down, not on his own! The Federal Civil suit brought against the prison officials does not show one prison guard denying the beatings, nor the fact that they were taking the unwritten law approach to find the San Quentin Six and Ruche) 1 guilty before any trial! The Federal Suit Is suppressed by the Fed eral judge Zirpoli In San Francisco, at this particu lar stage of the retaliatory Marin County Judge Henry Broderick process - legitimate judicial assassination expressed through the indiscriminate and senseless chaining of the San Quentin Six. SECURITY RISK The clown Judge Broderick who no doubt Is self appointed to railroad the San Quentin Six claimed Inmunity to'civll action against him in the Federal court, and without any competent evidence to support his claim of not in the conspiracy Broderick was dis missed from the Suit as defendant by Judge Zirpoli. Still acting in absent of his authority and des perate effort to railroad the San Quentin Six, Brod erick proceeded with his show. He has criminally re fused to recognize his own prejudice, and disqualify himself from the case as he lied and ducked an evi dence hearing ’ and examination. Every proceeding since Broderick's aopearance In the rigged case against the-Six, he has exposed him self as befng engaged in undignified and discourteous conduct which is degrading to the tribunal. He never fail to false excuse himself with the security risk song. He claims that Hugo can no longer be taken out of San Quentin to the San Francisco fac ilities for completion of proper treatments because the security risk. This is where they are so sure of their rigged conviction, they don't want any more physical evidence in that may show Hugo suffering more than Nixon could dream of! They are using the chains to Impress upon short sighted people (jurors particular) that Its the only fair and most reasonable way to handle criminals. Hake the Six protest seem disruptive conduct that make it impossible to carry a fair trial. This trick makes it impossible for the jury to weigh evidence without feeling the terror of Impend ing doom If they acquit the Six. Jurors can't see what's behind the Broderick's reproducing the trick ery and suffering that they've grown so accustomed. If they turn from the false news media stories of the Broderick's and glance at the truth, jurors will /know ahead of time that its the judicial slave system who need be prosecuted and imprisoned. As long as they can use the courts in the slave-racket, its a million to one odds stacked up against society. Its time for the people of this country to come together, drop the petty games, join the struggle. If we don't make some sort of advance preparation anti cipation new developments by stern, flexibly firm, organization - to construct the necessary requisite organizationally for the conquest of political power - right now, we may not even be in the fight. FREE THE SAN QUENTIN SIX, AND PUT DOWN YOU GOT!! IN THE SPIRIT OF COMRADE JONATHAN, Ruchell Cinque 3-26-75 SIPIBHST® isa> IBIM isTAfU The spring season came in like a lion, for the nine- hundred riot-weary prisoners at Big Mac. A six month reign of terror by the Crisp, 0 ‘ Reilly, Schons regime was culminated by an unprecedented wave of violent assaults upon men active in the fight for meaningful penal reform in Oklahoma... March 19, 1975. A hundred and twenty-six m^n in the East cell house refused to clean up their runs or do any further work for the administration until the administration transfered guard A. K. Davis to another job, away from the East cell house. Davis is a racial bigot who constantly harrassed black inmates and other inmates who associate with blacks. Col. Richard Crisp came to the East cell house and listen to the grieviance. He promised to transfer Davis to another assignment if the work strike were stopped and the cell house ' cleaned up properly. He also gave his word that there would be no charges or disciplinary actions against anyone over the incident. The East cell house went back to work. And Crispy critter went back on his word, orderinq the twelve inmates on death row Tocl^ down in their cel ’ s on j 24 hour a day basis. And you guessed it, guard A.K. Davis is still working in the East cell house, and has been promoted to Lt _ March 21 ,-1975, Inmate Johnny Miller was attacked by a guard in the maximum security section of the prison called the "Rock". When the guard attacked Miller, his cell pardner L.W. Brady tried to help Miller subdue the guard. Other guards rushed to the scene and it resulted in a melee... The brutality of the guards sparked tempers of the men in the Maxi-Maxi unit and they started tearing plumbing fixtures from the walls of their cell. Major A1 Schons ordered the whole unit tear gassed, even the men who*were not participating in the incident. Twelve men were then stripped of their clothes, handcuffed and taken to the "Chamber of Horrors," the behavior modification unit deep under the prison ro tunda, where they were beaten and gassed three times over the weekend.... Col. Richard Crisp not only sanctioned this treatment ibut in his report to the news media complained that "ourhands are tied, the courts won't, allow us to do anything but take away a few priveleaes we can't deal with these types as we should".... I Its p It It poses the guestion in all the minds of the 900 men in this prison "what shot of treatment does Col. Richard Crisp feel is necessary, or what does he want the court to allow him, in dealing with everday prison incidents like this?? What does Crisp want, another DACHAU OR BELSEN? Or maybe a Tuc