ORIGINAL ARTICLE Hsin-Yu Chen 1 & Careen Yarnal 1 & Garry Chick 1 & Nina Jablonski 2 Published online: 20 May 2017 # Springer Science+Business Media New York 2017 Abstract The present study explores how culture-based meanings and values toward skin color, which are associated with women ’ s body image ideals and gender-role expecta- tions, profoundly influence women ’ s leisure behaviors. Using in-depth interviews with East Asian, Asian American, and Euro-American women ( n = 43), results revealed how lei- sure behaviors are tied to cultural perceptions of skin color. People from different cultural backgrounds construct mean- ings and values pertaining to skin color, including beauty- related standards, social class, gender roles, and lifestyles. Culture-based values, such as the preference for tanned skin among Euro-Americans and for lighter skin among East Asians, affect a wide range of daily behaviors. These behav- iors include conscious as well as subtle daily decision-making regarding sun-seeking, sun-avoidance, and sun-protection be- haviors; indoor versus outdoor leisure participation; and ap- pearance modifications. The study ’ s results add knowledge to how perceptions and attitudes toward skin color and appear- ance manifest in women's daily behavior in general and leisure behavior in particular. In addition, the current study shows how individual behaviors reflect cultural meanings and values toward body image, specifically skin color, by emphasizing the links between cultural values and women ’ s day-to-day lives. Keywords Colorism . Body image . Cultural perceptions and values . Skin color . Daily behaviors . Leisure As one of the most noticeable physical human traits, skin color (i.e., skin pigmentation) has acquired many culturally specific meanings through strong connotations, embodiments, and symbolism (Elmore 2009; Glenn 2009; Russell-Cole et al. 2013). Cultures imbue skin color with various meanings about personal appearance and body image as well as socioeconom- ic and sexual implications, which may relate to partner selec- tion and marriage (Fallon 1990; Gillen and Lefkowitz 2009; Hunter 2002; Jaeger 2011; Sahay and Piran 1997). Culture- based meanings and values toward skin color shape an indi- vidual ’ s perceptions of which skin color is physically appeal- ing and attractive. These perceptions may have a profound influence on women and their day-to-day lives (Jablonski 2012). The present study focuses specifically on cultural values toward skin color held by women from certain cultural groups and how such values affect their lived experiences. Before beginning a discussion of the core areas of the study, it is important to note that skin color is not equivalent to race, even though skin color is often used to divide people into groups and the process of classifying people based on their skin color is widely recognized as the root of race label- ing (Keevak 2011; Reilly et al. 2003). Many people in the United States and elsewhere conflate B skin color ^ with B race ^ (Glenn 2009; Stepanova and Strube 2012), as demonstrated through common use of phrases such as B black, ^ B white, ^ * Hsin-Yu Chen hxc257@psu.edu Careen Yarnal cmy122@psu.edu Garry Chick gchick@psu.edu Nina Jablonski ngj2@psu.edu 1 Department of Recreation, Park, and Tourism Management, The Pennsylvania State University, University Park, PA 16802, USA 2 Department of Anthropology, The Pennsylvania State University, University Park 16802, PA, USA Sex Roles (2018) 78:255 – 271 DOI 10.1007/s11199-017-0785-4 Egg White or Sun-Kissed: A Cross-Cultural Exploration of Skin Color and Women ’ s Leisure Behavior B color-blindness, ^ and B people of color. ^ To avoid sensitivi- ties surrounding skin color ’ s racial implications, some people may use terms such as B skin tone ^ or B skin complexion ^ instead of B skin color. ^ Yet, skin tone is but a subset of skin color that relates to color temperature (e.g., cool vs. warm, rosy, beige, ruddy, peach), whereas skin complexion refers to skin conditions, which may include natural color, texture, and appearance (e.g., smooth, rough, lustrous, oily). For the purpose of our study, we use the term B skin color ^ to refer to the color of the skin and not to color-based race labels or racial connotations. The absence of discussion about skin color-based stereo- types, prejudices, and discrimination, as well as the lived ex- periences of racism and racial inequality surrounding power and privilege among different racial categories, should not be read as an attempt to downplay the significance of race-related issues. Rather, we focused more narrowly on skin color ’ s cul- tural and social constructions among women because culture gives skin color its various meanings (Jablonski 2012). Culture-based meanings and values toward skin color may influence an individual ’ attitudes, self-evaluation, understand- ing, and perceptions of his or her own body image (Li et al. 2008). Previous research has shown that body image can greatly impact women ’ s everyday lived experiences, includ- ing leisure behaviors, such as participation in sports and phys- ical activity (Liechty et al. 2006, 2015; Liechty and Yarnal 2010). However, little research regarding body image has spe- cifically addressed this influence of skin color on daily life despite the fact that skin is the largest organ of the human body and skin color is one of the most obvious physical traits (Jablonski 2006). Moreover, given that sun exposure darkens skin, people ’ s perceptions of and preferences for skin color might manifest in, for example, the choice between indoor or outdoor leisure participation, sun-seeking (e.g., tanning, sunbathing), sun-protection (e.g., wearing long sleeves, sun- glasses), or sun-avoiding (e.g., staying inside or shady areas) behaviors in leisure settings. The overarching goal of our study is to explore these culture-based meanings and values toward skin color, its ramifications for body image concerns, and the potential relationships between skin color preferences and women ’ s leisure behaviors among certain cultural groups. Cultural Values toward Skin Color Cultural meanings and values toward skin color develop over time as culture-based knowledge, beliefs, and norms are learned, shared, and socially transmitted (Chick 2000). Thus, the meaning of skin color can differ across cultures as well as change within cultures across historical periods (Craig 2009; Jablonski 2012; Martin et al. 2009). In the following section, we review the literature on (a) how social and cultural contexts shape people ’ s perceptions of and preferences for skin color and (b) how people ’ s perceptions of and preferences for skin color relate to daily behaviors. From Renaissance Europe until the early twentieth century, upper class Euro-American women prized untanned skin be- cause it was associated with higher social status, greater wealth, political power, privilege, virtue, and beauty (Glenn 2009; Martin et al. 2009). By contrast, tanned skin was asso- ciated with the lower classes and was often connected to slav- ery, servitude, and outdoor menial labor (Jablonski 2012; Keith and Herring 1991). In the 1920s, however, Euro-American cultural frame- works began shifting to accommodate the growing preference for tanned skin (Martin et al. 2009). Several factors contribut- ed to this shift. First, individuals no longer perceived indoor work as a sign of a higher social class (Keesling and Friedman 1987). Second, the benefits of vitamin D, sometimes called the B sunshine vitamin, ^ were discovered. Sun exposure also served as a treatment for diseases like tuberculosis and rickets (Jablonski 2012). Finally, celebrities like Coco Chanel, an influential French fashion designer, proclaimed, B A golden tan is the index of chic ^ (quoted in Randle 1997, p. 462). Chanel set a personal example by confidently displaying her suntan in public (Keesling and Friedman 1987), which made sun-tanning a symbol of privilege, fashion, leisure, and liber- ation (Charles-Roux 1981). Due to sun tanning ’ s accessibility, as well as swiftly circulated images featuring tanned celebri- ties in magazines, advertisements, and newspapers (Keesling and Friedman 1987), the once-disdained tanned look became unexpectedly desirable (Daniel 2007; Ford 2009). In contrast, preferring a lighter skin color among East Asian women has been steady and longstanding in East Asian culture, as lighter skin color has been perceived as more beautiful throughout recorded history (Fuller 2006; Glenn 2009; Hussein 2010). When historians found a portrait from approximately 690 A.D. of Wu Zetian, the only female em- press, the portrait showed her as having exceedingly pale skin, presumably to illustrate beauty and royal status (Pan 2013). The idolization of light skin is shown through the simile B like a boiled egg, ^ which is soft, ivory-like in color, and smooth on the surface (Glenn 2009). This B boiled egg ^ idea was show- cased on CBS News (2012, para. 17), where, during an inter- view, a Chinese girl talked about the idea repeatedly. She said, B My ideal is, of course, to have even, white [fair], luminous and smooth silk, like the egg white of a boiled egg. ^ For centuries, in order to appear more beautiful, East Asian women have attempted to artificially attain lighter skin by using makeup made from rice powder, mercury, and white lead mixed with starch, which were early skin lightening cos- metic products (Glenn 2008; Jablonski 2012). Moreover, ligh- ter skin implied freedom from outdoor agricultural labor and thus increased a woman ’ s wealth and social status, whereas tanned skin was associated with the lower classes: manual laborers, farmers, and peasants (Jablonski 2012). The 256 Sex Roles (2018) 78:255 – 271 preference for lighter skin can be seen in Chinese sayings, such as B A single whiteness can cover three kinds of ugliness ^ (Bray 2002; Leong 2006) and B Fairness covers one hundred faults ^ (CBS News, 2012; Xi 2011). Although translations vary, the crux of these enduring sayings is similar: fair skin is preferable and can cover imperfections in appearance. Lighter skin was identified with all that is better: higher social status, civilization, success, happiness, marriage, femininity, wealth, elegance, and refinement (Ford 2009; Fuller 2006; Glenn 2008; Hung 2003). Colorism, Skin Color Preferences, and Women Prizing light skin color has been explained as a function of colorism , a belief system that attributes meaning to differences in color in accordance with the perceived social and cultural advantages or disadvantages associated with skin color. Such discrimination based on color within alleged racial groups ap- pears to have been universal in agricultural societies world- wide, long before the extensive migration of peoples associat- ed with colonialism or slavery (Jablonski 2012; Rondilla and Spickard 2007). Although light-skinned Euro-Americans have not experienced the negative effects of colorism in recent cen- turies, perhaps because they have commanded positions of power and social influence and have largely established the dominance of Western culture and aesthetic preferences, they did experience colorism in the past (Jablonski 2012). As discussed in the previous section, light and untanned skin sig- nified privilege, power, and higher social class in the centuries before recreational tanning became popular. Although colorism affects both genders, skin color prefer- ence is more central in the lives of women than of men and has overwhelmingly affected women because it is considered a sign of beauty (Fallon 1990; Rondilla and Spickard 2007). Physical attractiveness is traditionally more significant and rigid for women than for men (Herring 2004; Mathes et al. 1985; Wiederman and Hurst 1998). Moreover, women are more likely to be judged and rated for attractiveness and thus often respond more strongly to cultural and social norms, es- pecially regarding appearance and colorism (Fallon and Rozin 1985; Gillen and Lefkowitz 2009; Keith 2009; Rondilla and Spickard 2007). For this reason, we limited our study to wom- en only. Given that sociocultural contexts shape skin color ’ s mean- ings, culture-based values toward skin color not only influ- ence people ’ s perceptions of and preferences toward skin col- or, but also highlight subtle fixations with skin color that often filter down into daily life (Jablonski 2012). Therefore, explor- ing contemporary attitudes toward skin color among Euro- American and East Asian women can be beneficial in untangling the complex influences of skin color preferences and culturally enforced colorism. Cultural Values toward Skin Color and Daily Behavior People ’ s attitudes toward skin color manifest themselves in daily behaviors, such as sun-seeking, sun-avoidance, and sun-protection behaviors. In Euro-American culture, the pop- ularity of tanning products, a belief in the benefits of tanning, and a desire for tanned skin may put individuals at risk for skin damage, sunburn, and skin cancer (Basch et al. 2012; Cho et al. 2009). For example, Basch et al. (2012) assessed the tanning beliefs and behaviors of 153 undergraduate students, the majority of whom were Euro-American. Nearly 67% be- lieved that B [i]t looks better to have a tan ^ (p. 252), 60% said they had used an indoor tanning facility, and 40% reported sustaining more than 10 sunburns in their lifetime. In addition, 87.8% reported spending three or more hours per day in the sun during the summer. One result of prevalent tanning be- haviors and their associated negative health consequences is legislation that prohibits minors from using tanning beds (FDA 2015; Tavernise 2015). Conversely, the East Asian preference for lighter skin color has led to the mass consumption of skin-lightening products (Bray 2002; Fuller 2006; Hussein 2010) and tak- ing meticulous care to avoid sun exposure through parasols, anti-UV (ultraviolet radiation) hats, gloves, and long- sleeved shirts (Hung 2003; Jablonski 2012). Indeed, in 2012, CNN reported a new beach craze in China called the facekini, a fabric mask that covers a swimmer ’ s entire head and neck. One interviewee said that she wore the facekini for fear of getting a tan. Ever since 2012, the facekini has not only evolved, but has also caught the attention of global mass media (e.g., ANC, BBC, Herald Sun , NBC, Reuters, The New York Times ). However, these worries over getting tan when outside in the sun and avoiding sun exposure may limit East Asian women ’ s satisfaction of leisure experi- ences. Such concerns can inhibit individuals from fully enjoying leisure participation or using leisure services, a consequence in line with leisure constraint theory, which has called for a more nuanced understanding of how cultural values affect leisure participation and quality (Chick and Dong 2005; Stodolska and Floyd 2016). Skin color, which possesses considerable cultural values and meanings related to body image as well as provides ample possibilities for exploration on how cultural preferences can affect leisure and daily life, is noticeably absent from this call. Skin color preferences can even influence dietary deci- sions. The complex dynamics between dietary preference and skin color was featured on CBS News (2012, para. 4), when a Chinese girl explained that B she keeps a special diet of foods that she believes have skin-lightening abilities: milk and Chinese yams. ^ She said, B If you eat dark [foods], like soy sauce, you will get dark. ^ These beliefs regarding food and skin color alteration are reflected in home Sex Roles (2018) 78:255 – 271 257 remedies. East Asian folk knowledge recommends drinking lemon water daily and avoiding foods that contain photosynthesizing chemicals (e.g., basil, celery) that accel- erate tanning (UDN News 2015). In Euro-American folk knowledge, light-reactive foods and food rich in caroten- oids (e.g., carrots, tomatoes, and sweet potatoes) are recom- mended for obtaining a natural tan (Oliver 2013). These examples highlight how a visible trait like skin color, when invested with cultural meanings and values within alleged racial groups, can have varied implications for human be- haviors in everyday life. The Current Study Daily behaviors driven by cultural values surrounding skin color are profound (Jablonski 2012). Little research, however, has explored the depth and subtlety of their complexity, espe- cially in terms of how leisure behaviors are tied to cultural values regarding skin color for women. Leisure is not only an important sphere of life that significantly relates to overall quality of life and well-being (Newman et al. 2014), but it is also often an element of shared cultural norms (Chick 2009). Given that sun exposure tans people ’ s skin, preferences for light or tanned skin may influence decisions regarding leisure choices and recreational activities or the nature of participa- tion. Moreover, in light of heightened skin cancer awareness among many Euro-Americans, and because of the tendency among East Asians to be influenced by Western culture and globalization, it is important to explore contemporary attitudes and values toward skin color (Bissell and Chung 2009; Rondilla and Spickard 2007). For a more nuanced and comprehensive exploration of the complexity of how East Asian and Euro-American cultural meanings and values toward skin color interact, we also in- cluded a third group: Asian Americans. Asian Americans are exposed to both sets of cultural values. As a group, they are recognized in the literature as being caught between two cul- tures and living in between Asian and Euro-American cultures (Bresnahan 2014; Dugsin 2001; Hübinette 2007; Weston 1994). As noted by Rondilla and Spickard (2007), the feeling of being caught B in between ^ could heighten the contrast be- tween the values, attitudes, and beliefs toward skin color in daily life. Moreover, studying this group could deepen our understanding on how people might deal with conflicting Euro-American and Chinese cultural values toward skin color and how perceptions of skin color developed and evolved, especially within the context of two contrasting sets of cultural values (Day et al. 2015). By examining individuals from these three backgrounds — East Asian, Euro-American, and Asian American — our study aims to facilitate the exploration of three intertwined research questions: (a) What are the within-group perceptions of, attitudes toward, and preferences for skin color?; (b) Are there between-group differences in perceptions of, attitudes toward, and preferences for skin color?; and (c) How do these percep- tions of, attitudes toward, and preferences for skin color relate to women ’ s daily behaviors and everyday life in leisure con- texts? Framing our research questions in this way can help determine if there is within-group consensus and/or between- group differences in both the cultural meanings and values regarding skin color and behaviors, especially leisure behavior, that are associated with those values. Although skin color is commonly associated with race and racial dynamics, our study focuses specifically on cul- tural values toward skin color among women, not race. Skin color in our study does not serve as an indicator of race. We chose these three groups because we anticipated that they would differ in terms of their perceptions of skin color. Although we acknowledge that East Asians and Asian Americans are generally regarded as racially distinct from Euro-Americans, and that conceptually disentangling per- ceptions of skin color from the notion of race is difficult, we feel that the task is made somewhat easier by recognizing that attitudes toward and preferences for skin color vary both within and between alleged races. In short, the purpose of our study is to explore culture-based meanings and values associated with skin color, their ramifications for body im- age concerns, and the potential relationships between skin color preferences and women ’ s leisure behaviors by com- paring the data from samples of East Asian, Asian American, and Euro-American women. Method Participants The three participant groups included: (a) 16 East Asian wom- en who grew up in East Asian countries, including China, Taiwan, Japan, and South Korea, until they were at least 18- years-old and who were living in the United States at the time of interview but were not yet U.S. citizens or permanent res- idents; (b) 13 Euro-American women who grew up in the United States and two who grew up in Europe (Georgia, Moldova) and then moved to the U.S.; and (c) 12 second- generation Asian American women who grew up in the United States but whose parents were raised in East Asian countries. The average age for the participants was 27 years old (range = 19 – 58). The average age by group was: Euro- American (32 years old), East Asian (27 years old), and Asian American (22 years old). The average interview length, from the longest to the shortest among the three groups, was 52 min for Euro-Americans, 49 min for East Asians, and 44 min for Asian Americans. 258 Sex Roles (2018) 78:255 – 271 Procedure The Institutional Review Board approved our study prior to initial participant contact in 2013. We combined referral and purposive sampling strategies to recruit participants in a north- eastern state in the United States. These sampling strategies were suitable because East Asian women and Asian Americans are members of a minority ethnic group widely dispersed in the larger population. The study should be considered ethnographic because it examined the complex interrelationships among what a group of people thinks about the collective cultural meanings of skin color, daily behaviors driven by culture-based perceptions of skin color, and whether people behave in accordance with their cultural beliefs. Ethnographic paradigms facilitate under- standing cultural phenomena between shared ideational sys- tems and behaviors in the context of people ’ s lives (Bernard 2011; Whitehead 2004). Individual face-to-face interviews were the primary method for data collection. Interacting with people enabled us to explore participants ’ perspectives and constructions of lived contexts because descriptions and nar- ratives are suitable at the initial ethnographic stage in order to gain insights into a cultural phenomenon (Bernard 2011; Bernard and Ryan 2010; Spradley 1979). Additionally, given that the relationship between perceptions of and preferences for skin color and leisure behaviors is complex, we used in- terviews to explore this intricacy in an in-depth manner (Hennink et al. 2011). A pilot study ( n = 6) helped us identify potential issues and refine the interview questions to ensure that the questions were unambiguous and easily understandable, especially for partic- ipants whose first language was not English (King and Horrocks 2010). Conducted by the first author (an East Asian woman), formal interviews ( n = 43, excluding partici- pants from the pilot study) ranged from 30 to 80 min, with an average of 49 min. We ceased sampling when data reached the saturation point, which is when new data repeated and no longer provided additional insights (Creswell 2007; Singleton and Straits 2005). In accordance with King and Horrocks ’ s (2010) suggestion to consider three aspects of the physical environment — com- fort, privacy, and noise level — interviews were completed at various locations across a university campus (e.g., library study rooms, offices, conference rooms, cafeterias, coffee shops). The interviewer explained the ethical standards (e.g., voluntary, right to withdraw at any time, privacy, and confi- dentiality) for conducting research with human subjects. Then, the interviewer introduced the research, obtained an informed consent statement and permission to audio record the interview, and asked informants to provide a pseudonym. Interviews were digitally recorded to B capture the contents and vividness of their speeches ^ (Weiss 1994, p. 54) and to assist in transcription. We developed semi-structured open-ended questions with a funnel design to structure four sets of guiding questions (Hennink et al. 2011). The first question set focused on back- ground questions. Questions such as B Please tell me a little bit about yourself, ^ B Where were you born?, ^ and B Where did you grow up? ^ were asked to obtain basic information, estab- lish rapport, and create a comfortable atmosphere for sharing. The second set of questions focused on our first research question discussed previously: the within-group perceptions of, attitudes toward, and preferences for skin color. Participants were asked to describe their own perceptions of skin color within their culture and whether they have skin color preferences for themselves and/or for others, such as when selecting a partner. Follow-up probes (e.g., B Do you have any examples? ^ ) helped participants provide more in- depth information. The third question set was built upon our second research question because it linked the perceptions of, attitudes toward, and preferences for skin color to daily behaviors in leisure contexts. Participants were encouraged to share their experi- ences, opinions, and perceptions regarding the connection be- tween cultural preferences for skin color and leisure behav- iors. Sample questions included: B What do you think about the relationship between your skin color preferences and what activities you do in your daily life and in your free time? ^ or B Do you have any concerns over sun exposure when choosing your leisure activities? ^ Follow-up probes included asking about their observations and experiences regarding others: B Do you think this might be true for others? ^ or B If yes, what makes you think so? ^ These questions guided participants from what they cognitively acknowledged were cultural per- ceptions of skin color to how these cultural values related to daily life in general, and leisure contexts in particular. The fourth question set was used to conclude the interview, pro- viding participants with the opportunity to reflect on the ques- tions discussed and allowing them to share overall feedback and any additional insights on the topic. Participants were also asked to decide if they would be willing to review a prelimi- nary version of our results (member checking) to help ensure the study ’ s quality and validity. Coding and Analysis Each interview was transcribed verbatim by the first author, and NVivo 10 was used to organize and analyze the data. Because our three research questions guided the analytical process, after we familiarized ourselves with the data, we then segmented the data into three sections: (a) perceptions, (b) preferences, and (c) behaviors. In each section, we labeled the data based on each participant group so that we could compare the results within and between groups, as well as overall. We used matrix displays (Miles and Huberman 1994) to compare and contrast the relationships between Sex Roles (2018) 78:255 – 271 259 codes and patterns and then conceptualized the data for an overview. The coding process helped us identify implicit and explicit cultural perceptions of skin color (e.g., gender-role expectations, beauty standards, social status) and leisure be- haviors (e.g., indoor, outdoor, preferences, sun-avoidance, sun-seeking) within the data (Guest et al. 2012). This ap- proach eventually created a coherent picture for interpreting the results. Throughout the analysis, notes and memos were taken to track details. We also paid attention to disconfirming evidence for further discussion (Marshall and Rossman 2011). We then refined the concepts in order to further explore issues, identify patterns, and detect associations in the data (Hennink et al. 2011). Although a degree of subjectivity is inevitable, numerous strategies were used to increase trustworthiness and to ensure sound representation of the findings (Riemer 2009). Peer debriefings were conducted among the authors, who are one East Asian woman, two Euro-American women (one from the United States and one from the United Kingdom), and one Euro-American man. The East Asian woman is the first au- thor, whereas the other three authors have research expertise in (a) the biological, racial, and cultural aspects of skin color; (b) cultural anthropology and cross-cultural research; and (c) the relationship between gender and leisure behaviors. Together, the authors met repeatedly to review, critique, and discuss emergent findings, quotes, and interpretations. In addition, we provided detailed and transparent information about the research ’ s focus and context in order to help demonstrate how our study generated conclusions in the hopes of helping others replicate the study in different contexts to confirm or compare the results. Participants ’ quotes were provided to support our claims and to help readers make their own judg- ments. Finally, a preliminary version of the results was shared with participants on a webpage for member checking. We asked participants to review the data, provide feedback, and verify that their data were accurately represented. Most of the participants ( n = 39; 91%) responded positively to the results, whereas four participants did not respond to our follow-up emails. These strategies, alongside both functional and per- sonal reflexivity (i.e., constantly examining ourselves in rela- tion to the research), helped make our analysis and description more transparent, credible, coherent, and grounded in the data (Calabrese 2013; LeCompte and Schensul 1999), while also allowing for in-depth and engaging interpretations of complex cultural meanings and behaviors (Suri and Howard 2006). Results Given that our research questions were intertwined, we first provide an overall picture of the results. Also note that addi- tional information about each participant who is quoted is available in Table 1. Almost all the participants ( n = 40, 93%) recognized that skin color preferences exist within the culture in which they grew up, which means that there was a high consensus among participants regarding the cultural meanings of light skin within East Asian culture and tanned skin within Euro-American culture. In addition to knowing Table 1 Participants ’ characteristics Name Ethnicity Age Education Level/ Current Job Abby China 26 Master ’ s/ Doctoral student Andrea China 19 High school/ Undergrad student Aria China 21 High school/ Undergrad student Aubrey Hong-Kong 27 College/ Master ’ s student Ava Korea 30 Master ’ s/ Doctoral student Bailey Japan 19 High school/ Undergrad student Bella Korea 28 Master ’ s/ Doctoral student Cindy China 21 High school/ Undergrad student Dana Japan 19 High school/ Undergrad student Debby U.S. 20 High school/ Undergrad student Elaine China 29 Master ’ s/ Doctoral student Ella China 19 High school/ Undergrad student Emma China 30 Master ’ s/ Doctoral student Eva China 21 High school/ Undergrad student Flora U.S. 27 Master ’ s/ Doctoral student Gale U.S. 27 Master ’ s/ Doctoral student Giana Korea 34 Master ’ s/ Doctoral student Grace Taiwan 19 High school/ Undergrad student Hana Korea 32 Master ’ s/ Doctoral student Harper Taiwan 22 College/ Missionary Helen U.S. 58 College/ Graduate student Iris U.S. 20 High school/ Undergrad student Isabell Hong-Kong 23 High school/ Undergrad student Janet U.S. 30 Master ’ s/ Doctoral student Jasmine China 36 Master ’ s/ Doctoral student Judy Georgia 33 PhD/ Visiting scholar Julia China 20 High school/ Undergrad student Karen Moldova 36 Master ’ s/ Doctoral student Lily Taiwan 32 Master ’ s/ Doctoral student Lucy Japan 21 High school/ Undergrad student Megan Hong-Kong 31 College/ Program coordinator Mia Korea 21 High school/ Undergrad student Nancy U.S. 32 Master ’ s/ Doctoral student Nola U.S. 19 High school/ Undergrad student Rachel U.S. 52 Master ’ s/ Doctoral student Rita U.S. 26 College/ Journalism Sally U.S. 37 Master ’ s/ Doctoral Student Samantha China 21 High school/ Undergrad student Sandra U.S. 44 College/ Journalism Sophia Japan 21 High school/ Undergrad student Vicky U.S. 22 College/ Architecture Victoria Korea 21 High school/ Undergrad student 260 Sex Roles (2018) 78:255 – 271 their own cultural values toward skin color, most East Asian women ( n = 13, 81%) were aware of the preferences for tanned skin among Euro-Americans, whereas only about half of the Euro-American women ( n = 8; 53%) were aware of the preference for lighter skin color among East Asian women. The sources for this knowledge about cultural values toward skin color were mainly based on media influence, such as TV shows, advertisements, books, magazines, and movies, and on personal experience, such as travel, friends from different countries, and observation. Interestingly, all Asian Americans ( n = 12) were aware of the cultural differences in skin color preference because of the disconnect between their familial cultural values toward lighter skin color and Euro-American cultural values toward tanned skin. Beyond cultural percep- tions of and preferences for skin color, participants also discussed their lived experiences and gave their opinions re- garding the intricacy of how cultural perceptions and values toward skin color relate to daily behaviors in a leisure context. We have organized our findings in a way that combines our first and third research questions: B What are the within-group perceptions of, attitudes toward, and preferences for skin color? ^ and B How do these perceptions of, attitudes toward, and preferences for skin color relate to daily behaviors/ everyday life in leisure contexts? ^ We have placed the Asian American group at the end because this group in particular deals with the contrasting East Asian and Euro-American cul- tural meanings and values toward skin color in daily life. We use the findings from the Asian American group to highlight differences in response to our second research question: B Are there between-group differences in perceptions of, attitudes toward, and preferences for skin color? ^ East Asian Women Perceptions and Preferences The longstanding preference for lighter skin among East Asian women endures because of its associations with beauty, cultural expectations for gender roles, and social status. East Asian participants ( n = 16; 100%) mentioned that lighter skin color has beauty-related connotations. Some participants ( n = 5; 31%) brought up a recent popular Chinese phrase that describes the highest ideal for women and girlfriend — B Bai Fu Mei ^ [ 白 富 美 ] — which translates as B white (skin), wealthy, and beautiful. ^ For example, one individual explained that this term B really idolizes those kinds of girls ... whiter skin color is the first and the most important criteria. ^ Jasmine added: B When it comes to selecting a mate ... women worry most if they are white enough. ^ Emma shared: B ... if you are white, you are beautiful no matter how you look ... Whiter skin color automatically upgrades you. ^ Cindy said: B If the girl is not pretty, but she has whiter skin, you still feel that she is pure and clean ... and whiter skin color for women seems very popular. ^ Sophia added: B I think whiter skin color in Japan is beautiful, pure, and clean. ^ Dana noted: B Whiter is definitely more beautiful. I like my skin to be whiter. ^ Similarly, Hana stated: B I think women with lighter [skin] color [are] prettier. ^ It is important to note that participants repeatedly used the words B white ^ or B whiter ^ to describe their desired color instead of using the terms B fair, ^ B lighter, ^ or B paler. ^ One explanation for this phenomenon might be because East Asian countries are generally more racially ho- mogenous, and the term B white ^ is simply a more straightfor- ward way to discuss color. B White ^ was, by far, the most commonly used term among the East Asian participants. Note these narratives conveyed the idea that they want to have lighter colored skin, which is not necessarily the same as say- ing that they want to be racially White (i.e., Euro-American). Lighter skin color has connotations beyond beauty. Participants ( n = 13; 81%) also brought up cultural expecta- tions for gender roles and stereotypes (e.g., submissive and obedient, feminine, good at housework, a good caregiver) within East Asian culture. Sophia explained: B Lighter skin ... symbolizes that you ’ re indoors. It kind of ties you to the home. Like you cook, you clean, and that ’ s also seen as a good thing. ^ Similarly, Lucy claimed: B Being more feminine is something that women want. I want to appear like I could cook and clean and am good at housework. ^ Abby said: B ... men like whiter women ... not only for beauty, but because the stereotype is that they are more obedient. ^ Elaine refer- enced a famous traditional novel, A Dream of a Red Mansion , and the fact that women were created with water. B Women are transparent and soft, and the nature of women is more like a supporting role ... soft, feminine, white, ^ she argued. Because skin color is related to gender-role expectations in East Asian culture, participants viewed lighter skin as optimal for women. Tanned skin for men implies strength, toughness, manliness, health, and responsibility. Again, referencing A Dream of a Red Mansion, Elaine added: B Man is made by soil or earth. ^ These cultural expectations for women to have lighter skin, along with its associated advantages for marriage and mate selection, even appears in Disney ’ s Mulan ; Iris pointed out that Mulan uses lighter makeup to meet the matchmaker in hopes of finding a husband. The song lyrics for B I'll Make A Man Out of You ^ state that Mulan ’ s skin color is too pale for a man, which captures the cultural expectations of skin color rooted in East Asian gender roles. Beyond cultural expectations and gender roles, most par- ticipants ( n = 11; 69%) agreed that lighter skin is associated with social status and reveals information about a person ’ s origins. For instance, skin color can indicate whether someone comes from an urban or rural background. Hana talked about white skin as a B symbol of wealth, civilization, upper position or social status. ^ She continued: B if you are dark, it ’ s ... a symbol of doing menial work outside. If you are rich, you don ’ t have to work outside. ^ Lily agreed: B Skin color might Sex Roles (2018) 78:255 – 271 261 relate to the job you are doing ... if you are whiter, people might think you are not a laborer or farm worker. ^ Giana also noted: B Lighter also means higher social status, rich, better family. ^ Elaine in particular discussed social status and place of origin as they relate to skin color. She claimed: The traditional view is that people ... from the village or remote area are less rich than people from the urban area. People from remote areas are generally darker be- cause of being outside more ... So the stereotype is just that if you are whiter, you ’ re more like a city girl or girl of higher social status. (Elaine) Cindy agreed: B I am from Jeju island ... When my friends from Seoul came to visit us, I found their skin was very light ... skin color was more about where you are from, like from a city or rural area. ^ In general, East Asian women prefer lighter skin color not only because it embodies high social status and a better job, but also because it relates to place of origin. Hailing from an urban or rural area indicates financial and social status, which complicates the relationship between skin color and social status. Resulting Leisure Behavior The preference for lighter skin was also related to leisure be- havior among East Asian women. Participants shared fears about tanning and time spent outside, which likely influenced their leis