1 WN/WL PRISONERS NEWS PUBLISHED BY THE NATIONAL LAWYERS GUILD (N„Y.CHAPTER) „ AND THE PRISON JUSTICE COMMITTEE ATTICA BROTHERS RAP MCKAY This statement is being issued on behalf of the approximately 80 sur vivors of the Attica massacre, the alleged "leaders" of the rebellion who have been isolated in a maximum security arrangement called Housing Block Z (HBZ) since September 13, 1971 concerning the hearings currently being held by the McKay Commission. We have and will continue to refuse to talk to members of the McKay Commission because — 1. It has been in existence for at least four months and has spoken to thousands of inmates but has done nothing favorable for them; 2. It is solidly connected with the privileged class, which makes it a white-wash group; 3. It is under Governor Rockefeller's power and influence and is attempting to fabricate a facade for the Governor's criminal misdeeds; and 4. It is trying to make us scapegoats for the penal system's monstrosities and inhumanities. The McKay Commission was established by a State Executive Order issued by Governor Nelson Rockefeller, the prime builder of the atrocities and genocide that took place here on September 13th and by the respective judges of the Appellate Division. It was Governor Rockefeller who 'PEC/AL VOL. 2 NO. ordered the State Troopers, National Guardsmen, Sheriff's Deputies, and correction officers to enter this prison on the 13th and take the lives of forty men as well as injure, wound, maim and bruatlize hundreds of others. We strongly feel the McKay Commission is one and the same with the above-mentioned individuals. Frankly, talking to any one from the Commission, it appears to us, would be like sitting at a poker game knowing the cards are stacked aqainst ( c o n t . p . 2 ) I (cont. frora p.I) you. Inmates who allow themselves to be interviewed by Commission members would be confronted with individuals who had built-in negative biases, as their loyalty lies where their bread is buttered, namely, with Rockefeller. Another very important reason why we have not spoken to the McKay Commission is that we are under investigation by the Grand Jury of Wyoming County. Any and all in formation the Commission ac cumulates can be subpoened by the Grand Jury and used as evidence against us. Therefore, with all due respect to the members of the McKay Commission, we feel it would be extremely detrimental to us to have spoken to them, be it in large groups, small groups, or individually. Before the Commission even began to get our side of the story, it was tainted. When first arriving at Attica, 2 members requested that the then Warden of the prison, Mancusi, suggest someone who would help them in getting certain information. Without thoroughly checking out who Mancusi gave them—a man named Willard Baker, Jr.—they accepted him and his information. Ironically, this Baker is one of the biggest racists and one of the most notorious liars working at Attica. This is the same man who, while using epithets such as "nigger" and "nigger-lovers", personally pistol- whipped over 100 men on September 13th. Furthermore, we believe all persons on the McKay Commission to be highly insensitive to the problems that the Blacks, Latins, and White Op pressed people face daily, particularly at Attica. When the McKay Com mission saw that the greater majority of us, who are Black, were reluctant to talk to them (White), they went and got five or six Blacks, hoping we would relate to them. As a result, we strongly feel that the Blacks ap pointed to this Commission com promised their principles and sold their Blackness to obtain information from us. We can only conclude that officials were not really interested in hearing about "events leading up to the rebellion and its bloody climax . If they were, a committee would have been appointed made up of our peers, of people who know how we live, who come from our communities, who are poor like us, who can relate to our struggle for survival in this society. Instead, they appoint a committee where Robert McKay, Dean of an establishment law school is made Chairman; Arthur Liman, a former district attorney made Chie Counsel, and where other establish ment lawyers, former state po ice officers and private investigators comprise the bulk of the staff. What has been related is realistic, as we are the living example o an inhuman and a repressive system under which we are forced to ive. In the Struggle— TheBorthers of HBZ Attica Concentration Camp A T T I C A BROTHERS The rebellion at Attica last Sep tember was concluded by the armed forces of Governor Rockerfeller in a bloodbath of selective murder, torture and beatings. But the viscious tactics of the state. Beatings and other forms of herassment continue to this day. In an effort to hamper the guards in these practices, lawyers representing the brothers inside Attica obtained Federal Court Injunctions limiting the guards actions. After three months of continued brutality, Contempt hearings against the guards, the State and the prison administration were set for April 25. On Friday, April 21 in the court of Federal Judge Curtain, John Stenger, the Special Assistant Attorney General, representing the Corrections Dept. announced that the prisoners who were scheduled to testify in the hearings the following Tuesday would be unavailable, since they were all being shipped out to other prisons on that day. This group included the 75 to 80 brothers, considered the hard force of the rebellion by the ad ministration. They had all been isolated from the general population and were held in HBZ. The lawyers for the brothers argued that the transfer was clearly intended by the State to deny the men their Constitutional right to counsel, since S H I P P E D O U T the transfer would make it vertually impossible for the prisoners and the lawyers to prepare either collective or individual defenses when the in dictment for the rebellion come down. Ex-Attica warden Mancusi had earlier testified that the men in HBZ would not be shipped out until he got the word from super-cop Fisher who is the special prosecutor for the Attica Rebellion Grand Jury. The transfer, then, is an indication that the grand Jury has completed its investigation and is preparing to indict. Judge Curtain refused to issue even a temporary restraining order that would prohibit the transfer of the brothers until a full hearing on the matter could be held. This refusal was sustained on appeal all the way up to Supreme Court Justices Marshall and Douglas. At this time over fifty of the 75 to 80 brothers in HBZ have been shipped out. They have been scattered all around the state to Auburn, Clinton, Comstock and Greenhaven. Of those who have not as yet been shipped out, 13 were witnesses to the first incident in the now post-poned contempt hearings; several were in the hospital (these include Frank Smith, who is still suffering from having been tortured after the rebellion and Eric "Jomo" Thompson who still has two bullets from the police assault in him), and several more who have immediately pending court cases. All indications are that Attica HBZ is now being renovated to contain the initial maxi-maxi dentention facility which would house the most rebellious of the state's prisoners. Rumor has it that Captain Fogg from the Dannemora Diagnostic Treatment Center is being transfered to Attic to head up the new maxi-maxi operation. As all these events were occurring with little or no attention from the straight press, the McKay Com mission, created by Rockefeller to "investigate" the rebellion, was capturing the front pages of New York papers. The hearings did bring out some important truths: that prison (cor.t. p , t j RIKERS ISLAND CITY PRISON MANIFESTO OF INMATES STRUGGLE We the brothers of the City Detention Center of Rikers Island feel it absolutely necessary to express the following: For too long now we have been abused by the "Department of Corrections". We have been taking our grievances to Correction Officials and Social Workers who are full of empty promises and whose interests reflect those of the American ruling class. On February 27, 1972 at approximately 2:45 P.M. a revolt took place in Cell- Block 7 which proved to be totally futile. The only results were split heads and broken ribs, and as a result of the riot 12 brothers now face trumped up charges for standing up for the truth and their human rights. We realize that we are hardly in a position to stage riots, due to the barbarous methods of repression the "system" will use to "subdue" us, such as the "Attica Massacre". So therefore, due to the circumstances we are compelled to revolutionize our method of struggle against inhuman and oppressive conditions that we are subjected to. We are therefore going on a hunger strike to force the authorities into making structural changes in this institution. We will go without eating for as long as necessary. We want the following demands met: 1. We want an end to the new policy of eating in the cell-blocks (Recreation Area). On or about the date of February 2, 1972 we have started eating in the dayrooms of the cell-blocks (Recreation Areas). Ever since then, there has been a sharp rise of parasitical elements in our blocks, such as: rats, roaches, worms and ants.'Within the A.R.S. there are two mess- halls sufficiently capable of feeding the entire population of trial prisoners. We see no valid reason for not being able to use these mess-halls, since Commissioner Malcolm's promise of turning the mess- halls into a gymnasium has not been fulfilled. 2. We want an end to vicious brutality by some of the prison guards. Many times brothers are being abused by guards who project an image of being sadists. We realize that we are in jail. But this does not make us less than human. We are also members of the human race and demand to be treated as such. The concept of American jails being rehabilitation centers is as false as saying that Governor Rockefeller did not Commit (cont. p„ 6 murder in Attica. ¥ * • * l « M i * M \ ii » 1 BOONES FARM To understand what is happening now in prisons throughout Massachusetts it helps to go over a little recent history. A good starting point is Governor Sargeant's response to the Attica rebellion and the desire to prevent similar situations from developing throughout Massachusetts. After Attica there were many strikes, not only in solidarity with brothers at Attica, but also as an expression of the in tolerable conditions which exist in prisons throughout the state. From that point the Governor decided that the state needed a new corrections commissioner, and the prison system had to be reformed. John Boone was appointed to fulfill that task. Boone has a good liberal recrod and strong support from the black community. Boone appointed three new wardens: at Walpole, Donnelly—from Soledad; at Norfolk, Bolinger—former director of the Marine Brig System; at Framingham, Gloria Cuzzi —from Walpole. Since his appointment, most of the men have wanted to give Boone the chance to prove himself (see the last issue for a rundown of Framingham, the women's prison). Boone has said that his main concern was to put people on the streets as quickly as possible (this means making people eligible for parole after serving only 1/3 of their sentence). For Boone and his administration to make good on any of their promises, it meant that they would have to prove themselves capable of dealing with the blatant racism of the guards. Some of that racism is directed at Boone, who is black. About a month ago at Walpole, a white inmate was stabbed by a black inmate. Out of this incident the guards attempted to provoke a race-riot. This kind of racist provocateuring happens frequently, but in this situation the guards were looking for a way to discredit the new administration, especially Boone. Inmates at Walpole didn't fall for the race-riot trick. What could have been a race-riot turned into a rebellion against the continued inhumanity of prison authorities at Walpole. None of the demands made by prisoners last fall had been met. In most cases con ditions had deteriorated. The anger that exploded a month ago was a response to the racist brutality of the guards as well as to the inability of the administration to come through with necessary changes. The rebellion at Walpole touched off demonstrations at Framingham, Concord, Billercia, Deer Island and at other county jails throughout the state. The State is investigating the Walpole rebellion and is expected to hand down in- (cont.. p 6 ) ( c o n t . from p . 5 ) dictments. Two weeks ago three prisoners attempted to escape (they will be indicted). Ten-Block (max- max) still remains. The just demands of our brothers at Walpole are still unmet. There was a one-day strike at Norfolk two weeks ago. 200 state troopers were called out for possible action. Police snipers were positioned on roofs throughout the prison (med. sec.). The new warden refused to meet with all the inmates, instead he met with one unit at a time (divide- and-conquer). His line was different in each unit. But it has been verified that he did say that if inmates did not go back to work the next morning that he would bring in the troopers (meaning that he was willing to spill blood to get people back to work.) The strike had developed out of a response to lousy medical treatment (or none at all) and the lack of decent food; plus, basic conditions (unchanged) since the fall strike. The following is a brief summation of prisoners' demands throughout the state: (1) An end to ALL racist practices by the administration and the guards; (2) Meaningful 'job training'; (3) An end to therapeutic community (Framingham) and behavior modification (Concord); (4) We demand full political rights, as guaranteed by the Bill of Rights; we want full community access, especially from the Black and Spanish speaking communities; (5) Meaningful education and decent medical care; (6) No reprisals against any prisoner for participation in any of the previous events. This list is incomplete in regards to particular prisons, but hopefully in the next issue we can get more into some of the particulars. THE STRUGGLE CONTINUES ( c o n t . from p . 4 3. We want appropriate and sufficient medical care. Many times our brothers get sick and they are denied access to the doctor by prison guards. And if they are allowed to see the doctor, no proper attention is given. 4. We want access to up to date Law Books. Our brothers are being railroaded to outrageous prison terms because they do not know their rights and have no access or knowledge of legal procedures. Legal aids do not serve our brothers. They are paid ty the system to persuade our brothers into taking pleas of Guilty. No persuasion of taking the case to trial is given. Many times brothers plead guilty of crimes that they did not commit because they are frightened by Legal Aids and other Court Elements that if they "blow trial" they will receive the maximum prison terms. 5. We want an end to political persecution. Brothers who are politically inclined are at many instances harassed and placed in segregation. We feel that this is a violation of our rights since America claims to be the freest Country in the World. (free speech, freedom to believe in what we like, freedom to express our views, etc.) 6. We want a guarantee that none of the brothers who participate in this Political strike will suffer no reprisals. 6 From Greenhaven April 12,1972 Honorable Sir: The Governor's Proposed Program Legislation covering equalization of pre-67 sentences with post-67 sen tences is nominal to the men who hoped for equality under one Law. If the Governor strived for equalization he failed, for the equalization under the New Penal Law is not have the maximum sentence imposed by legislature (as to 1st degree murder) but to benefit of the discretionary powers in sentencing. In the five years since the New Penal Law came into effect no more than two (2) men a year has received the maximum sentence of 25 years to life for 1st degree murder, and now it is proposed to condemn one hundred- plus men to serve the maximum sentence without even opening the individuals record to see if he is deserving of the maximum? And, an additional burden is placed upon'the pre-67 prisoner by taking hisjail time, which alters the 25 years parole eligibility beyond the actual 25 years, and also taking his good time, which he has already earned, and further, to add an additional 6 months with the stipulation that the parole board has within six (6) months before they may render a disposition in each individual case. In totality a man can, and will serveMORETHAN THE ORIGINAL 26 YEARS AND 8 MONTHS. This would not be corrective legislation, but a crime. As for the man with 2nd degree murder, which is now manslaughter under the New Penal Lawi, it is proposed that this man be governed by a 15 years parole eligibility, which means a little time saving for some, and nothing to others. The same loss ofjail time. Good Time, and parole stipulation is proposed here. Lumped together with 2nd degree murder is the multiple offender and with the same 15 years parole eligibility it gives very little or in most cases nothing. The same loss ofjail time. Good Time, and parole stipulation prevails here. ROCKY REFORM The one segment of Old Law which appears to benefit is the high maximum and minimum cases with a proposed parole eligibility of 8 years and 4 months, but with the loss of Jail time and Good Time, and the parole stipulation involved the time saved is greatly reduced for some, and can amount to nothing for others. Some will benefit, but the number will be far too few. I ask you to help bring about the changes in the Governor's Bill that will give the pre-67 prisoner the equality that the Select Committee recommended. 1. 15 years parole eligibility for 1st degree murder, without loss of jail time, good time, or special parole stipulations. 2.10 years parole eligibility for 2nd degree murder, without loss of jail time, good time, or special parole stipulations. 3. 8 years & 4 months parole eligibility for high maximum and minimum cases, without loss of jail time, good time, or special parole stipulations. If the Governor's Proposed Bill, in its present text, is the price of the 43 lives lost at Attica, then the 43 lives were in vain. "STRIKE MALLOW" "THE AGONY OF A THOUGHT" Chains! Bars! Blood-stains! Pains! When will it end, will we ever be at liberty. Centuries have passed! Yet the dark shadows of madness are still casted. ns! Bars! Blood-stains! Pains! Will my children linger in limbo, void of a chance. We must break this yoke, which chains our very throats. Why, oh why can't he understand. We only seek to be free! As he! But the oppressor surely would never consider our liberation. Clinging-greedily to the insanity of superior mentality. Chains! Bars! Blood-stains! Pains! I fear the thought of tragedies inevitably to come! Picking up the gun to put down one. Oh! How I wish there was another way, it seems the only solution is revolution! "I AM THE PRISON" I am society's collector of debts, and My purse is the bottomless maw of time Insatiably storing the payments of days Implacably totaling the months and the years... Come —come and look upon the faces of these I hold And see thereon the reflection of my image Engraven as a deep and final proof Of society's inadequacy, of man's inhumanity... I am gut-searching anguish destroying the man Who is with desperate hope, Waiting For the letters, the visitors, that never come... Yes, I am the prison! Wherein the smothering confines of a steel-barred Cage Crush with the weight of inhuman reality; Wherein the endless emptiness of the days And the shattering loneliness of the eternal Nights Repeat and repeat my message... Endlessly. W R I T I N G O N T H E W A L L S FROM ATTICA Behind these bull-shit walls. Where death roams and lingers. The long dark halls. Pigs vamping! Harassing! Gasing! Yet. I strike mallow. Digging that stomped-down revolutionary script; And all the beautiful brothers and sisters Moving and grooving me. Yea, strike mallow man! No! Not like the Past, chained-down by Magnified ignorance! Feeling the wrath of an oppressor's hand. Behind these very walls. Got my mind from behind the eight ball Strike mallow! I hear the Foot-steps of echoes yet to come. I cry! You cry! We cry! Attica! Attica! Ironically, the battle has just begun. Remember the Attica Brothers some live on! Get yourselves together. Strike Mallow... 8 9 ATTICA LIBERATION PLAY The following skit should be por trayed as such to project: Inside— being brothers and sisters who are confined in your prisons throughout Amerika. At least four (2 brothers, 2 sisters) should be shown in a simulated cell. Outside— being the brothers and sisters out in the communities, who know where it's at. They should be surrounding the imprisoned brothers and sisters responding to their words. *The last comments are made as they (outside and inside) tear down the cell of those who were inside; to which they all march off together in the REVOLUTION-REVOLUTION REVOLUTION - REVOLUTION REVOLUTION! INSIDE: Right on! And the yoke will not be cast off until the mass oppressed people begin to pick up the gun and take freedom from all artificial restraints. We have en treated the oligarchies much, much too long to grant us leave from the yoke of oppression. We must cast it off by any means necessary! OUTSIDE: That's hard to accept because the destruction that comes with revolution frightens many people, but as soon as people accept the reality of revolution as blibersation then we shall see the dawning of a new day. OUTSIDE: Beautiful people and supporters we will not move until the final verdict, though we all know what it will be, because justice under this oppressive, evil, and corrupted system is blind and has been blind toward indigent people for many, many years. INSIDE: What shall our attitude be toward a system absorbed in materialism controlled by greed, and motivated by the pursuit of selfish and corporate gains with little or no regards for the value and quality of human lives! I say we must take freedom, justice, and equality. OUTSIDE: How many of you have ever seen poverty in its truest form? Well, I will tell you that I have seen rats as big as cats. Fathers with low bowed heads because they can't find the necessary means to support their families. Mothers with sorrowful eyes when their little ones ask for just one slice of bread when there's none. This and much more must be obliterated because we help produce that which we cannot be recipients of by artificial restraints imposed upon us by the oligarchies. INSIDE: If the bullets must rain out the barrels of many revolutionaries guns trained on an oppressing system, let them fling out the tone of liberation. Death was designed for all humanity and some must expire so that others may live peacefully in tomorrow's world. OUTSIDE & INSIDE: We have ventured through the valleys of death in order to claim life and from such approach obtained avenues to free the people, revolution. We know how it is to shed a tear and we know the horror of living in fear. The time is now to wipe those tears from your eyes and uproot the terror of fear from your hearts, we must stop this bitch justice from having so many miscarriages. 1 0 * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * lorton letter In behalf of all the brothers con tained in the Maximum Security Facility at the Lorton Correctional Complex. I wish to express our solidarity to all our brothers that are being held in the concentration camps in this "the sweet land of liberty"— AMERRIKKA! There is an ever increasing number of us who now have come into the realization that our struggle is a universal one—casting aside petty indifferences and conflicting per sonalities; striving not towards reform, but rather the ultimate goal— FREEDOM. Tire not my brothers. For as it was once stated; "Our freedom will not be a fiesta or a rest, but a struggle and a duty." We stand not behind you, or in front; But rather—defiantly at your side. Prisoner in the Queens House of Detention guards, although speciTically prohibited from doing so, participated in the armed attack on the prisoners, selectively murdering several and continuing to beat and harass the brothers subsequently. This and the heavily edited films showed that Attica is a concentration camp. The trouble with the McKay commission, however, was that it presented the lies of Corrections Commissioner Oswald and ex-warden Mancusi with the same legitimacy and appearance of integrity as the above truths told by Arthur Eve, Tom Wicker and a few others. This is why the McKay Commission Report will probably be a liberal white-wash. It will be critical of both the state and the prisoners, but only the prisoners will be indicted. Only they will suffer. When Richard X Clark, a recently released leader of the Attica brothers, attempted to read to the Commission a statement from the brothers inside as to why they would not cooperate with the Commission, he was prevented from doing so. Then, accompanied by two other recently released Attica brothers, he left the hearing room and read the statement to the press outside. (cont. froi? p. 3) legal f, -K& The United States Court of Appeals Second Circuit in a 9 to 3 decision has X? recently clarified a procedural technicality which facilitates prisoners obtaining relief in Federal Court for violations of their civil rights without first having to exhaust administrative and state remedies (which has im portant substantive implications). In Katzoff v. McGinnis ( F.2d [2d Cir., Jan. 25, 1972]) it was held that, under the facts of the case, a state prisoner need not exhaust state judicial remedies before bringing an action under 42 U.S.C. 1983 (civil action for state deprivation of rights). The Court had previously equated such claims with writs of habeas corpus, that is attacks on the con stitutionality of custody itself (28 U.S.C. 2254). And since habeas proceedings require exhaustion of state remedies, it was thought that prisoners' 1983 actions did too. The Katzoff court relied on a recent United States Surpeme Court case, Wilwording v. Swenson (40 U.S.L.W. 3277, December 14, 1971), which gives the federal courts direct jurisdiction in affirmative action sought under 1983. Inasmuch as federal courts can be expected to be more sensitive to civil rights than state administrators, theoretically the decision means an increased chance for relief, and relief sooner. Un fortunately, the realities of a crowded docket mean relief will never be had soon enough. Very briefly, the facts of the Katzoff case involved the taking of a prisoner's good time as punishment for entries critical of the prison staff made in the inmate's diary. It seems obvious that the issue involved personal constitutional rights (First Amendment freedom of speech) of the kind contemplated by 1983 It is also obvious that the preservation of such rights should not be entrusted to state employees, nor their realization delayed by requiring the frequently futile exhaustion of state remedies Following are excerpts from the court's opinion: 1 2 Friendly, Chief Judge [The court reluctantly conceded federal jurisdiction, and concluded saying:] I recognize that a number of cases, including Houghton v. Shafer, supra, and Jackson v. Bishop, 404 F.2d 571 (8 Cir. 1968), cited by the Court in Wilwording, have assumed that state prisoner complaints over the conditions of custody come under 42 U.S.C. 1983 and 28 U.S.C. 1343(3) rather than under 28 U.S.C. 2254. But the issue was not there raised, and the problem of such prisoner applications had not yet reached its present dimensions. If this is the correct analysis, I do not understand how a state prisoner who is entitled to relief by habeas corpus under 28 U.S.C. 2254 can opt out of that section, with its attendant requirement of exhaustion of state remedies when these are available, simply by styling his petition as one under the Civil Rights Act. But Wilwording seems to indicate that he can. For that reason I am con strained to concur in affirming the orders of the district court [granting jurisdiction], Kaufman, J. (concurring): In Wilwording the Supreme Court instructed that: "State prisoners are not held to any stricter standard of exhaustion than other civil rights plaintiffs." This pronouncement was based on its decisions beginning with monroe v. Pape, 365 U.S. 167, 183 (1961), where the Supreme Court held that the federal remedy provided by 1983 "is supplementary to the state remedy, and the latter .need not be first sought and refused before the federal one is invoked." See also McNeese v. Board of Education, 373 U.S. 668 (1963); Damico v. California, 389 U.S. 416 (1967); Houghton v. Shafer, 392 U.S. 639 (1968). I note also that Wilwording emphasized that the result in no way depended upon the inadequacy of state remedies. Quoting from Houghton v. Shafer, id. at 640, it added: "in 'any event, resort to these remedies is unnecessary.' " ( c o n t . p . 1 3 ( c o n t . f r o m p 1 2 Smith, J. (concurring): . . . [Referring to the "burden" of a crowded docket, Smith, J. said:] Moreover, I question the desirability of even attempting to lighten our burden by stifling or delaying prisoners' complaints of un constitutional abuse. It may be an onerous burden, especially in the districts where large state prisons are located. Many petitions are poorly prepared, confusing and mendacious. They do take the time of busy courts. But these cases now before us demonstrate that among them are some of substance, a circumstance which makes the effort worthwhile. It would be far better to provide more assistance in the districts which contain Attica and the other large institutions giving rise to these issues than to deny redress within the federal court system for deprivation of civil rights. I do not intend to argue with statistics indicating that prisoner petitions are on the rise; nor shall I pretend that this condition is pleasing to judges. But I cannot believe that federal jurisdiction in cases involving prisoner rights is any more offensive to the state than federal jurisdiction in the areas of police procedures for search, arrest and detention, Monroe v. Pape, supra, or education, Mc- Neese v. Board of Education, supra, or welfare, Damico v. California, supra, or public housing, Holmes v. New York City Housing Authority, 398 F.2d 262 (2d Cir. 1968). I can think of no reason why the question of prison administration should be classified as one of greater or more peculiar state concern than the instances to which I have just referred. In any event, neither of the grounds articulated is a tolerable basis for declining jurisdiction where a prisoner specifically alleges facts indicating a callous disregard of his basic human and constitutional rights, see Haines v. Kerner, 40 U.S.L.W. 4156 (U.S., Jan. 13, 1972), or for reworking accepted principles of federal jurisdiction in one sweep of the judicial pen.1 -IN CONCLUSION, FELLOW PEASANTS, LET ME STPESS -J—. THE NEED ROC - I ypeace and hacmony.J TTT73 XL - T U T J l i r L T U l mi US 1 3 pemembep 7WE golden SOLE... 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TO 0 G £ 0 CO 0 ,G 0 U -P ,G -P CP O C -P O •H -P O CO CP (TJ CO 0 (TJ 0 U -P x o aTJ 4-1 0 C *z "U ITJ 3 0 X O ,C 0 - b -p 44 «• 0 TJ 0 -H (TJ G H 0 P 0 P -P ^3 •H o 3 w • o Q >i -p o G 4-4 O -P G O P 44 G •H G CP •H CO United Press International INMATES PROTEST VIETNAM WAR: Seven prisoners took to catwalk of water tower at Federal Correctional Institute, Danbury, Conn., yesterday. ffr/j) ( I awibeiwj (a^l J ' ^-jyciax ' M : of : C-Ctj- Z&p: Midnight Scecial is pub- lished with the ain of dis- eminatin3 legal information which will be a direct help in securing and expanding prisoner rights, and to pro- vice news or «_'ne situ a Lion within the prisons from the prisoners point of view. We will publish articles, let-- ters, poems and art work by prisoners. Wo have a small staff and little- money, so aside from what we print in tjidn j^it Soocia? f we arc lu-.'l' able to help prisorrrs i^ndividualy with their legal problems.

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Midnight Special Prisoners' News (v. 2 n. 4)